Bidii Africa Pulls Down “Peeling Back The Mask” Download Link


  • Hezekiel Hezekiah Kada

    vvvShame on NSIS, when will this nepotism end?
    The Kenyan DAILY POST Gossip and Drama 01:09

    Monday July 23, 2012 – Things are not going well at the National Security Intelligence Services (NSIS) headquarters.

    Our mole at the headquarters of Kenya’s top security agency, told the DAILY POST of rampant nepotism in the recruitment of officials at the agency.

    The NSIS has been recently recruiting sons and daughters of Kenya’s who’s is who. The recruitment is reportedly being done outside the public service regulations.

    When one official in the agency raised this concern, he was told by senior officials at the NSIS to take his concerns to his grandmother!

    To add salt to injury, those sons and daughters of the senior government officials have been recruited without required credentials to allow them hold such posts.

    The big question is; when will this nepotism end in our public offices?

    Where is this brigadier Michael Gichangi? Is he aware of this?

    The Kenyan DAILY POST


  • Saturday, Feb. 25, 2006
    TIME: One Big Man Against The Big Men

    John Githongo is a big man. not in the sense that many Africans use that term, to describe autocratic and corrupt leaders. But a big man physically: tall and hefty, his shoulders as solid as the weights he loves lifting. When Githongo was appointed Kenya’s anticorruption czar in 2003, Kenyans said that it would take a big guy to tackle the country’s massive graft and sleaze problem. His “bulky physique � seems to match his new enormous responsibilities,” a local bbc reporter wrote in an online profile. But could one man take on Kenya’s Big Men and force change?

    The answer, after enough twists and turns to fill a novel, turns out to be yes. Githongo may now live in Oxford, England — testament to the danger he says he faces in Kenya — and his evidence of widespread corruption may have been ignored for almost two years by the government for which he once worked, but the big man is finally shaking things up. Over the past month Githongo, a fastidious diary keeper, has leaked to the bbc and to Kenyan newspapers a timeline of his investigation into a company, Anglo Leasing and Finance, that in 2003 was awarded a contract worth tens of millions to produce tamper-proof passports for Kenya’s immigration department. But it didn’t produce passports or, in fact, exist beyond a British address that Britain’s Serious Fraud Office says it is now investigating; the company was, Githongo says, nothing more than the fictitious creation of a few senior Kenyan government officials and their associates. The money, alleges Githongo, was actually intended to build an election “war chest” for the ruling coalition. Two Ministers named in the graft report have quit, and parliament has questioned Kenya’s Vice President over what he knew. All three men proclaim their innocence, and no high-level official has been convicted. But the tremors continue. “We are seeing political accountability on corruption for the first time in Kenyan history,” says Githongo, 40. “It’s a painful process, and no one ever said it would be straightforward, but hopefully some of the impunity witnessed will never happen again.”

    Githongo’s crusade started at a time of great hope. In 2002, Mwai Kibaki, head of the National Rainbow Coalition, won the presidency, promising an end to corruption as “a way of life.” Kenya was once one of Africa’s fastest growing economies, but misrule and graft had helped lead to poverty and made the country unpopular with donors, who froze hundreds of millions of aid dollars. Outgoing President Daniel arap Moi, whose Kenya African National Union party had ruled the country for four decades, was so unpopular at the end of his term that when he rose to speak at Kibaki’s inauguration the crowd pelted the dais with mud. Kibaki appointed Githongo, a former journalist who founded the local office of Berlin-based anticorruption group Transparency International, to sort out the graft within officialdom.

    But Githongo soon concluded that some in Kibaki’s government weren’t serious about change. “The thing I had not foreseen was the extent our own Administration quickly and seamlessly became enmeshed in the embedded grand corruption networks of the regime from which we had inherited power,” Githongo told Time from Oxford, where he is now a fellow at St. Antony’s College. “The resilience of these networks and their capacity to absorb key players amongst us in the new Administration stunned me.”

    Githongo’s most serious charge concerns Anglo Leasing. When Githongo first started investigating the phantom firm in March 2004, Ministers connected with the contract denied knowledge of a scam. According to Githongo, Vice President Moody Awori told him that he made a point of not knowing about such things. Awori, who was interviewed by a parliamentary watchdog last week — the first time a sitting Kenyan Vice President has faced such questioning — told reporters afterwards that he is innocent. “I did not at any time engage in any act of cover-up or any wrongdoing,” he said. “I have done no wrong either through commission or by omission.” But as the heat rose in 2004 — Kenya’s Central Bank had started its own investigation — millions of dollars already paid out to Anglo Leasing were suddenly wired back to the Central Bank.

    According to Githongo, Justice Minister at the time Kiraitu Murungi then told the corruption buster he should “go easy” on his colleagues. Murungi, who resigned two weeks ago and who, like Awori, appeared before parliament’s Public Accounts Committee last week, told reporters they were to blame for his downfall. “You people have crucified me,” he said after reading a five-page statement in which he refuted Githongo’s claims.

    It wasn’t just Githongo who sensed the rhetoric against corruption was just talk. Donors too were worried. In mid-2004, then British High Commissioner to Kenya Edward Clay described the new government as arrogant, greedy and possessing a gluttony that had caused it to “vomit all over our [donors’] shoes.”

    By October 2004, says Githongo, he knew his role in government “would end badly.” In January last year, Githongo says, he received threats that his investigation was “dangerous to your physical security” so he quit while on a trip to London. Githongo says he first alerted Kibaki of his suspicion of wrongdoing in April 2004, gave him evidence of the scam within months, and handed him a detailed report into Anglo Leasing last November. But, says Githongo, the President did nothing. It wasn’t until Githongo leaked the report that there was any action.

    But what action it has been. In addition to the ministerial resignations, the Public Accounts Committee two weeks ago visited Githongo in London to take his evidence and promised a full investigation. Meantime, Chris Murungaru, who last year was demoted from the national security portfolio and then sacked in a reshuffle, has been charged with refusing to declare his wealth to the Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission — a hitherto toothless body that Kenyans hope will start doing what it is meant to. Murungaru denies any deception. Kibaki, for his part, has promised to act on Githongo’s report. “There are few people among us who have benefited from these social evils committed in the society,” he said. “But their actions have adversely affected the entire country.” The surging public demand for accountability is a “very big sea change,” says Mwalimu Mati, a successor to Githongo at Transparency International. “There’s an explosion of outrage by ordinary Kenyans” who feel betrayed by the government. In the past, says Mati, Kenyans would rely on the judicial process to catch crooked politicians. But now political accountability is as important as the courts. “Even the mere whiff of scandal is enough to get you in trouble.” Says Githongo: “There are important demographic changes that are catching an older generation of leaders flat-footed; they just don’t get it!” Githongo believes Africa is no more corrupt than any other place. “What is different sometimes is the glaring conspicuous consumption of élites that have acquired their wealth corruptly.”

    Despite the new mood, Kenya’s government is unlikely to suddenly clean up its act. “The real measure of change will be how we utilize the information [Githongo] has given us,” says Gabriel Ndungu, an assistant program officer at Kenya’s Institute of Economic Affairs. “This is not about personalities. It’s about getting the institutions that should be looking at this working. Then it’s less likely to happen again.” One thing’s for sure: John Githongo does not stand alone. He has a nation behind him now.

  • Kenyans should understand the inner meaning of this “fiction”

  • can send me the pdf i
    f the book in my email

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