Göran Skåg: Here is Proof that Margaret Tried to Kill Me

This photo was taken by Gåran Skåg with Margaret Wanjiku holding the knife she allegedly tried to use in killing Göran the night of their wedding.

This photo was taken by Gåran Skåg with Margaret Wanjiku holding the knife she allegedly tried to use in killing Göran the night of their wedding.

If KSB readers thought that they had witnessed the last tussle between Göran Skåg and her estranged Kenyan wife, Margaret Wanjiku Maragwa, some re-thinking might be necessary. In a kind of lightning move to prevent a Russian-Ukrain like de-escalation of the Göran-Margaret romantic crisis, Göran has fired a new anti-Margaret strategic missile which will, no doubt, destabilize Margaret’s current emotional balance.

Göran has now provided KSB with “evidence” to prove that contrary to Margaret’s assertion that Göran wanted to kill her, it is Margaret who actually tried to dispatch Göran into an early grave only hours after their marriage in Kenya.

The story begins in Mombasa county. The couple had just said “I do” at a local church then as part of the wedding celebrations, the newly-weds retreated to Casalina Night Club outside Bamburi to shake a leg as they began a new life of holy matrimony and eternal bliss. At the club, things were kind of going well until the point when Margaret visited the Lady’s. It is not clear whether she went to download the liquefied files she had been uploading down her bladder the whole evening or whether she just went for a quick face-lift in front of the mirror “to keep the standards high”. When she came back at the lounge where revelers were being entertained by the DJ, she found a slightly different situation from the one she had left.

The couple had been drinking together at a corner table, occasionally sliding into each other’s arms to dance on the floor when their body temperatures rose. When Margaret came back from the loo, she found Göran dancing alone wildly on the dance floor. Suddenly, Margaret took to her heels and headed directly to the dance floor and before Göran had time to try and understand what was happening, Margaret hit him on the head with a beer glass thereby creating a huge commotion which plunged the club into crisis, prompting a security alert. Margaret was not only jealous but worried about the possibility of another cuter Mombasa whore picking up Göran and messing up her plans.

Apparently, what Margaret did not understand was that hitting Göran on the head with a beer glass “for his mistake” of mangamangaring on the dance floor alone was an extreme disciplinary action. The dance floor was flooded with multiple romantic sharks and crocodiles which were capable of cutting Margaret’s ambitions into pieces by simply scooping Göran from the floor before Margaret could even finish her mission in the loo and this threat is what appears to have catapulted Margaret into teaching Göran some basic lessons of “Married life in Mombasa”. Rule number one was: “Don’t stray alone into the dance floor under any circumstance”. That was their wedding night and Göran appears to have learnt his lessons because as commotion also cooled down, the couple took a taxi to spend their first wedding night at Margaret’s home where the situation quickly deteriorated because punde si punde, Göran found himself running for dear life in his underwear at around 2.00 am Kenya time.

The trip with the taxi was super but when the couple settled in the house, it looked like Margaret was not yet done with Göran. According to Göran, it appeared as if finding him still on the dance floor “without being taken” was like a herdsman finding a goat (that had strayed) still drinking water beside a lake filled with angry crocodiles. Göran had already forgiven Margaret and as he sat by the sofa, Margaret suddenly started screaming about what Göran had done. A brief moment of confusion followed.

With lightning speed, “she took a sufuria filled with old food and threw it at me”, Göran told KSB. When Göran tried to establish why Margaret was acting strangely, she asked him why he was dancing with other people. She then rushed for the wood stick for making chapatti and hit Göran all over his body until the new hubby managed to snatch the chapatti rungu from her. That is when things moved from bad to worse. Margaret went for the knife and as Göran tried to wrestle her down, on bed to try and disarm her, she bit him on the back and cut his arm with the knife causing him to start bleeding. Since Göran was expecting some bedroom action that night to celebrate their wedding, he had already stripped down to his panties and the dangerous events that were unfolding were not actually part of the main agenda.

When the new wife allegedly cut his hand with a sharp knife, Göran realized that if he did not think fast, he would be dead in the next few moments. He became frightened and since he was losing the fight, he decided to flee. He jumped out of bed and still in his under pants, sped towards the door and dashed out as quickly as his legs could carry him. As a further security measure, Göran started screaming at the top of his voice that Margaret, whom he had just wedded, was killing him. The worst part is that as he screamed, Margaret was also in hot pursuit with the knife at hand but as Göran’s screams became intense, the neighbors’ attention was also drawn. It is at this point that Margaret cooled her heels as neighbors intervened.

Margaret was then given a thorough lecture by the neighbors and warned that what he was doing to Göran was wrong. The following day, the Swede called witnesses who attended their wedding and narrated what had happened. The witnesses then “talked senses” into Margaret who promised that she would never attack her new hubby again. Göran forgave her because she defended herself by saying that she was just jealous. Part of the explanation was that she had been drinking a lot of wine and hoped that once they arrived in Sweden, the situation would be calm because Margaret understood that there would be no rivals back in Sweden.

Unfortunately, Göran said that Margaret became even more violent when she arrived in Sweden. Göran was getting worried that Margaret was also becoming stronger than him physically and he feared that one day, the new wife would actually kill him. When things became too much, Göran decided to call it quits although they already had a baby girl. Since Margaret was too alcoholic to take care of the baby, the social welfare authorities moved in and took the child as Margaret was taken to rehab from where, Göran says, she has been under medication while at the same time writing to KSB. We cannot tell whether we have had the last from Göran and Margaret therefore KSB crew will just have to wait and see.

Okoth Osewe

28 comments

  • Postcard from hell

    Göran, Margaret’s eyes are devilish, the knife looks sharp and tasted your blood, yet you still brought her to Sweden. GöÖÖÖÖÖÖRAN, now taxpayers in Sweden have to pay for the alcoholic’s rehab because of you!!!! Then you come to KSB to air your dirty laundry that you carried by yourself from Mombasa. What a man you are!

  • Göran must be a sado-masochist who loves violence in the bedroom. Margaret’s pose is that of a woman ready for action in a sadist way…look at her hanging nipple then you will know Göran wanted his own death….!!!!

  • ndrama na findyo

    heeeee haaaa hoooooo ndrama na findyo!

  • i dont se any crissi i think Göran should dait a felow swed and margrate tafuta mwafrika mwenzio and clan the rooom put on clothes get a jobb and grow upp

  • A prostitute rarely makes a good wife.

  • Walter O Hispan Shuga

    The copy-cutting Americans -The filthy Kenya of Copy-cutting USA decadency>

  • Donald Sterling racist comments
  • kenyan forced to finish marathon
  • Only an idiot can believe such a story. .. if Margret was all that harsh on you why bring her to sweden??? You think you’ll escape underhållstöd… sorry man…you’ll pay until the kid is 18yrs…

  • social misfits

    Both are losers – machokora, alcoholics and social misfits. Göran should be deported to Mombasa to live with prostitutes. Margaret should behave like a mother and stop her Nyeri-woman type of violence which will not help her in life. But if she carried her child wanting to drop her on the floor, then she is unfit to keep her. Useless woman who should have stayed in Kenya and sell her K_UM_a in Mombasa. Giving Kenyan women a bad name!

  • Margaret Maragwa

    hahaha am very happy after all Göran robert skog found guilty and convicted of beating me.am not suprised of him trying to cover his own image but the truth shall prevail i remember i stated that it was just the beggining.he was convicted on 2014-04-29 @11.00 case nr/B6154-13 LUND TINGSRÄTT

  • Thank you very much for telling everbody the true story about Margaret

  • She only want to Revenge beacuse i save our daugther when she was beating here

  • One day Margaret told me and left me with our daugther Pagie that she kill here if i dont take care of here, that i should feed here with my penis, i have recording of her say this, beacuse she did not love our daugther,

  • Göran,Margaret was a prostitute in Mombasa Selling her pussy to everybody by the time you met her so blame yourself.Next time go to the village girls

  • Keen Observer

    >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>Homosexuality in Kenya >

  • Shame on Göran

    Göran you are a big loser and don’t deserve sympathy now that we know you were convicted in court. Shame on you who batters your wife then come to lie here that you are the nice person!

  • Muzungu hater

    This dirty Swedish trashes get prostitutes Either fr.o.m. Thailand or Africa. This men are casts in Their own sociaty and no woman of Their color Wants them.
    All this prostitutes are never educated. Their Education is in Their vagina because they have no brains.

    No Swedish man WHO is normal,with normal bakground och normal uppbringing Will ever take a prostituerad as a wife in the first place.

  • colorism and internalized racism
  • female Sex predator

    Female sex predator arrested in Githurai

    Written by EVELYNE MUSAMBI, posted on May 2, 2014 (2 days ago)

    Police on Friday morning arrested the househelp who infected her employer’s son with an STI. (READ:Househelp infected my son with an STI)

    The mother of five, Naomi Bonareri, who had only worked for Njeri Kinyanjui a businesswoman in Juja town for two months, was lured to travel to Nairobi from Kisii by a friend.

    Ms Bonareri was then arrested by officers from Juja Police station where she is now assisting police with investigations.

    Confirming the arrest, Inspector Kombe from the station said the suspect was in police custody and will assist in investigations for the entire weekend.

    The bait, Dr James Mugo, posed as a man who used to sell groceries at a kiosk when she worked in Juja and informed her that he wanted to marry her.

    Dr Mugo said he had vowed to have the househelp arrested and brought to justice after Njeri, the seven year old’s mother narrated her ordeal to him.

    “I hatched a plot that would make her think I was in love with her and even sent her airtime, lunch and fare for her travel from Kisii to Nairobi to prove my feelings were genuine,” says Dr Mugo who owns a health center in Githurai 44.

    Mugo was given the househelp’s number by her former employer on Tuesday and he immediately called her.

    “I told her we had previously met when she was working in Juja and that is when she gave me her number. I informed her of my intention to marry her claiming that I had separated with my wife and was very lonely,” said Dr Mugo.

    He then convinced Naomi to travel to Nairobi and even offered to cater for her travel expenses.

    Travel to Nairobi

    When Dr Mugo sent her cash via Mpesa, the SMS confirmation revealed that her line was registered to a Simion Ohuru, a man she later explained was her father as she has never been issued an ID card.

    Naomi then travelled to Nairobi on Wednesday oblivious of what was awaiting her.

    Dr Mugo however almost messed the entire plot when he mistakenly sent her a message that was meant for her employer on how she was to be nabbed that night.

    “When she arrived on Thursday, she at first sent a friend to meet me in town purporting to be her. It seemed she had suspected something was amiss so I had to be careful and when her friend refused to follow me to my house, I did not hint at any arrests,” said Dr Mugo.

    Naomi later agreed to meet Dr Mugo in his ‘home’ in Githurai and he organised for a taxi to drop her at his clinic.

    “She had brought bananas and sugarcane for her ‘husband to be’ which we ate as we waited for Njeri and the police to arrive,” said Dr Mugo.

    All along, he engaged her in a lively conversation though at one time she pretended that she knew him.

    When the police arrived with the mother of the abused boy, Naomi immediately recognised her former employer.

    “Njeri called her by name and broke down into tears as police handcuffed her and led her away to their car,” said Dr Mugo.

    Njeri said she could not believe that this woman she had trusted with her son had turned out to be a sex predator.

    “I felt a lot of pain and started crying when I saw her. She did not even expressing remorse for the pain she had made my son go through,” said the distraught mother.

    For now, the suspect is being held at Juja police station before being formally charged.

  • Angloleasing crooks

    212 (F) VISA SAO REQUEST: ALFRED GETONGA, ANURA PERERA, DEEPAK KAMANI, JAMES WANJIGI
    Date:2006 March 2, 11:24 (Thursday) Canonical ID:06NAIROBI944_a
    Original Classification:SECRET Current Classification:SECRET
    Handling Restrictions:– Not Assigned — Character Count:26378
    Executive Order:– Not Assigned — Locator:TEXT ONLINE
    TAGS:ASEC – Administration–Security | CVIS – Consular Affairs–Visas | ECON – Economic Affairs–Economic Conditions, Trends and Potential | KCOR – Corruption and Anti-Corruption | KCRM – Criminal Activity | KFRD – Fraud Prevention Programs | PGOV – Political Affairs–Government; Internal Governmental Affairs | PREL – Political Affairs–External Political Relations | PTER – Political Affairs–Terrorists and Terrorism Concepts:– Not Assigned —
    Enclosure:– Not Assigned — Type:TE
    Office Origin:– N/A or Blank —
    Office Action:– N/A or Blank — Archive Status:– Not Assigned —
    From:Kenya Nairobi Markings:– Not Assigned —
    To:Central Intelligence Agency | Department of Homeland Security | Department of Justice | Department of the Treasury | France Paris | Secretary of State | United Kingdom London

    PERERA, DEEPAK KAMANI, JAMES WANJIGI

    Ref: A. 2-28-06 Hoover-Pratt e-mail, with attached
    “Githongo dossier”, B. 05 Nairobi 3446

    Classified by Econ Counselor John Hoover for reasons 1.4
    (B) and (D).

    1. (S) SUMMARY AND ACTION REQUEST: Embassy Nairobi hereby
    seeks security advisory opinions under section 212(F) of
    the Immigration and Nationality Act, Proclamation 7750,
    suspending entry into the United States of the following
    individuals:

    — Alfred Getonga,
    — Anura Perera,
    — Deepak Kamani,
    — Joseph “Jimmy” Wanjigi.

    Ref B is Embassy Nairobi’s request for the suspension of
    entry into the U.S. (subsequently approved by the
    Department) of former Minister Christopher Murungaru for
    his central role in a number of grand-scale corruption
    cases under the administration of Kenyan President Mwai
    Kibaki. This cable should be read in conjunction with ref
    B, as it expands the case used against Murungaru to include
    chief co-conspirators Getonga, Perera, Kamani, and Wanjigi.
    All were central figures in a network of corrupt government
    officials and private sector dealmakers that has
    systematically stolen, or attempted to steal, a cumulative
    sum as high as $700 million over the past three years by
    exploiting a secretive system of government security-
    related procurement contracts in Kenya. These activities
    have had a serious adverse effect on U.S. national
    interests in Kenya, which include strengthening democratic
    institutions and the rule of law and fostering economic
    development. This cable also draws heavily on, and should
    be read in conjunction with, ref A. Ref A is the first-
    hand account detailing high-level graft and cover-up in the
    Kibaki administration made available to the public in
    January 2006 by John Githongo, the President’s anti-
    corruption advisor who went into self-imposed exile in
    February 2005. The so-called Githongo dossier is a
    credible and detailed account documenting graft and cover-
    up on the part of the aforementioned individuals. Embassy
    reporting and significant flows of sensitive intelligence
    corroborate Githongo’s revelations. With indictments
    looming, the Government of Kenya has ordered in recent days
    that all four men surrender their passports and any
    personal firearms they may possess. Further, the Kenya
    Anti-Corruption Authority strongly supports visa revocation
    against the four individuals in light of the Commission’s
    own evidence of wrongdoing.

    2. (S) Getonga has a valid B1/B2 visa expiring July 21,
    2006; Kamani has a valid B1/B2 visa expiring May 14, 2006;
    Wanjigi has previously held visas, the latest being an A2
    which expired in 2003. Getonga, Kamani, and Wanjigi are
    Kenyan nationals; Perera’s nationality is unknown at this
    time. Post recommends Getonga, Perera, Kamani, and Wanjigi
    be found ineligible under Presidential Proclamation 7750.
    Please advise ASAP. END SUMMARY AND ACTION REQUEST.

    ANATOMY OF A CORRUPTION NETWORK
    ——————————-

    3. (C) In April 2004, information emerged publicly that a
    shadowy firm, Anglo Leasing and Finance Limited (Anglo
    Leasing), had secured two bogus contracts with the
    Government of Kenya (GOK). The first was for the supply of
    new secure passport issuing equipment, and the second for
    the construction of a police forensics lab. Together, the
    two contracts were worth a combined $90 million. Anglo-
    Leasing, it turned out, was no more than a “PO Box company”
    with fictitious offices in the UK and Switzerland and no
    identifiable officers or management. The Anglo-Leasing
    scandal was aggressively investigated at the time by the
    then-Permanent Secretary for Ethics and Governance, John
    Githongo. Githongo’s investigations revealed Anglo-Leasing
    to be only the tip of an iceberg of grand-scale theft.
    They forced the Ministry of Finance to suspend payments and
    order forensic audits on 18 secretive security-related
    procurement contracts that followed a very similar pattern

    to that found in the Anglo-Leasing cases.

    4. (C) This pattern involved a small clique of private-
    sector dealmakers working together with an equally small
    cadre of senior government conspirators. Together, they
    would generate proposals for large-scale government
    procurement contracts. Because these contracts involved
    national security equipment of one kind or another, they
    fell well outside the normal (and already weak) systems of
    scrutiny and oversight found in other parts of the GOK and
    Parliament. The proposals frequently requested goods not
    needed or desired by the line ministry targeted to pay for
    them, and involved large upfront payments or commissions
    financed by loans arranged by the businessmen. The goods
    or services were either vastly overpriced or not supplied
    at all. This kind of scam generated enormous illicit
    profits, much of which were recycled by the businessmen who
    received the payments to the concerned GOK officials and
    other middlemen for personal gain or to finance future
    political campaigns.

    5. (C) Githongo resigned from his position following
    several death threats in February 2005, and has been living
    in self-imposed exile in the United Kingdom ever since.
    During his time in exile, however, Githongo consolidated
    all of the evidence at his disposal and began on January
    22, 2006, to release portions of it to the Kenyan public
    through the nation’s largest daily newspaper. His now-
    public 19-page summary dossier of evidence paints a
    convincing, coherent, and credible picture of the
    activities of the corruption network described above.
    Moreover, both in its details and overarching narrative,
    his account is strongly corroborated time and again by the
    Embassy’s own reporting, as well as sensitive reporting in
    other channels dating to mid-2004.

    6. (S) Githongo’s summary dossier directly implicates
    Murungaru, Getonga, Perera, Kamani, and Wanjigi, as well as
    others, as the core drivers of the corruption network that
    generated the Anglo-Leasing and similar scandals. Getonga
    used his position as Personal Assistant to the President to
    connect Perera and Kamani, the two private sector
    dealmakers (who had operated for years doing similar deals
    under the previous administration), to Murungaru and other
    complicit senior-level officials in the Kibaki
    administration. In turn, Wanjigi, the son of a former
    Minister and nephew of a Permanent Secretary already
    arrested for his involvement in Anglo Leasing, was the
    local middleman, channeling contracts and payments in both
    directions as the bogus procurement scams were consummated.

    ALFRED GETONGA
    ————–

    7. (S) As Personal Assistant to the President, Alfred
    Getonga used his position in the Office of the President
    (OP) to push forward fraudulent contracts in the OP and in
    other ministries, and then divert a large portion of these
    government resources for political campaign fundraising,
    and for personal gain. In Githongo’s account, former
    Justice Minister Kiraitu Murungi (who has also been
    implicated in covering up the Anglo-Leasing scandal) tells
    Githongo that nearly all of the suspect contracts Githongo
    was investigating were engineered by Alfred Getonga and
    others, and that the contracts were designed to raise funds
    for the NARC political party under the direction of Getonga
    and Murungaru. Githongo’s evidence implicating Getonga is
    so substantial that he informed President Kibaki of
    Getonga’s direct involvement in Anglo-Leasing in at least
    two separate briefings for the president. Our own reporting
    strongly corroborates Githongo’s accounts, and the Embassy
    acted on it in a similar way. On at least two occasions in
    2005, when solicited by President Kibaki for advice and
    information in one-on-one meetings, the Ambassador
    specifically named Getonga as a significant source of
    corruption in Kibaki’s administration.

    8. (SBU) Since the Githongo report has been published, the
    OP has announced publicly that Getonga is no longer
    employed there. On February 14, 2006, the Presidential
    Press Service announced that Getonga’s contract had expired

    and would not be renewed.

    9. (S) A reliable Embassy source in the telecom sector
    recently reported that Getonga was also at the center of
    the 11th hour cancellation of the tender for a second
    national landline phone operator in Kenya in July 2004.
    Thanks to his position, Getonga was aware ahead of time of
    the winner. Invoking the President’s name, he approached
    the company slated to win and successfully solicited the
    gratis contribution of 5% of the shares under the pretense
    that such a gesture was needed to guarantee winning the
    tender. When Kibaki learned of this intrigue through his
    son (who was supporting a rival consortium), he angrily
    ordered the entire tender cancelled, setting back telecom
    reform and service delivery in Kenya by several years.

    ANURA PERERA
    ————

    10. (S) Reliable private sector contacts who have done
    business in Kenya for many years regularly cite Anura
    Perera as a long-standing corrupt dealmaker whose
    activities far pre-date the Anglo Leasing cases. He is
    nonetheless very difficult to trace, and has proven a
    formidable adversary for law enforcement personnel by
    operating indirectly through a network of dummy
    corporations in Switzerland, the UK, and elsewhere which
    act as conduits for the proceeds of the inflated or
    outright bogus procurement contracts he has engineered over
    the years. The Githongo dossier, together with sensitive
    reporting, nonetheless provides compelling circumstantial
    evidence against Perera for his role in a series of
    security and military-related procurement scams. In large
    part as a result, Perera was ordered by the Kenyan police
    to surrender his passport and firearm on February 21, 2006.
    (Note: It is unlikely Perera is in Kenya at this time; nor
    is it clear what kind of passport he carries or under what
    nationality he travels. End note).

    11. (S) In the Githongo dossier, an associate of Kamani
    and Perera, working from an office building owned by Perera
    in Nairobi, is reported to have set up bogus companies,
    including Anglo-Leasing, in 1997 for purposes of engaging
    in fraudulent government procurement deals. As he was
    unraveling the Anglo-Leasing secure passport scam, Githongo
    was indirectly threatened by Perera through then-Justice
    Minister Murungi. Meeting with Githongo, Murungi cited a
    file compiled by a local lawyer whom Murungi stated was
    acting on Perera’s behalf. He told Githongo that an unpaid
    debt owed by his father was really owed to Perera himself.
    Githongo explained the connection: Murungi “warned me to
    ‘go easy’ on ‘our friends’ Murungaru and Alfie (Getonga)…
    The message Hon. Kiraitu (Murungi) was communicating very
    directly to me was that Mr. Perera wanted me to to ‘turn
    off the heat'” so that his father’s debt could be “settled
    amicably.”

    12. (S) Githongo’s report goes on to reference “an
    assortment of reliable sources, including within the Kenyan
    military” who told Githongo that “Perera was involved in a
    range of questionable projects in the defense and security
    sector and had developed a reputation for paying sizable
    kickbacks.” Perera, for example, is widely believed to be
    at the center of the Nexus project, a military
    communications complex on the southern outskirts of
    Nairobi. Three years after the $36.9 million project was
    completed, the Kenyan military has yet to occupy the
    complex. The Kenyan Department of Defense (KDOD) tender
    committee, which should have overseen implementation of
    such a large contract, has publicly denied ever being aware
    of it. KDOD sources told Embassy DAO in mid-2005 that the
    project was likely without any specific military purpose or
    plan in mind, but rather for personal gain on the part of
    top military brass. Perera’s connection is through another
    phantom European company, Nedermar BV Technologies, for
    which there is no information on the internet. It won the
    secretive contract to build the communications center on a

    SIPDIS
    turn-key basis, but its origins and officers remain a
    mystery. Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission (KACC) Director
    Aaron Ringera told the Embassy in mid-2005 that he had used
    evidence gathered by KACC on the Nexus project to persuade

    Kibaki to take action against former Chief of Staff Joseph
    Kibwana. (Note: Kibaki went half-way, asking Kibwana to
    retire early in August 2005. End note). Judge Ringera
    told Econ/C and other diplomats in February 2006 that
    Perera was the private sector mastermind behind the Nexus
    deal.

    13. (S) Perera is also believed to be the mastermind
    behind the procurement of a naval frigate for the Kenyan
    Navy beginning in 2003. Through a fictitious firm named
    Euromarine, Perera arranged $57 million in financing for a
    ship constructed in a Spanish shipyard at a cost estimated
    to be 3-4 times more than its actual value. The frigate
    deal was one of the 18 contracts investigated and audited
    after the Anglo-Leasing scandals were revealed and the GOK
    has stopped payments on the vessel. Compelling sensitive
    reporting places Perera at the very center of the frigate
    deal, and in multiple conversations with Embassy officers,
    Kenya’s Permanent Secretary of Finance has repeatedly
    confirmed the facts of the scandal as outlined here.

    DEEPAK KAMANI
    ————-

    14. (S) Deepak Kamani joins Anura Perera as the other
    long-standing private sector mastermind of fraudulent
    security-related procurement contracts in Kenya over the
    years. Kamani family businesses first broke into the
    business of exploiting security contracts in the mid-1990s
    after forming close ties with the then-Permanent Secretary
    of Internal Security in the Office of the President. The
    current Permanent Secretary of Finance, who held the same
    position at the end of the Moi administration, recently
    told the Embassy that Kamani had unnaturally open access to
    Treasury officials in the late 1990s, to the point that he
    mistakenly believed at one time that Kamani was an employee
    of the ministry. When he assumed his current position for
    a second time as PS Finance in 2004, this same official
    warned counterparts in the Office of the President to cease
    doing business with Kamani, but to no avail.

    15. (S) Kamani cut his teeth in a multi-million dollar
    contract to supply boilers to the Prisons Department in the
    early 1990s. The deal continues to be investigated by
    Kenya’s Auditor General because the boilers supplied were
    second hand or unserviceable. Kamani’s companies have also
    been directly linked to a $25 million contract in 1997 to
    supply a digital telecommunications network to the Prisons
    Department through LBA Systems, a shell company registered
    in Scotland. More than five years after the network was
    supposedly installed and commissioned, it remains
    inoperable. In a similar case, another shadowy Kamani-
    owned company, Infotalent Systems, signed a $36 million
    deal to supply telecommunications equipment to the Office
    of the President. The deal is believed to be among the 18
    suspect contracts frozen by the Minister of Finance in 2004
    for forensic audit and investigation.

    16. (C) Kamani is directly implicated in the two Anglo-
    Leasing scams. He enjoyed close ties and had regular
    access to Zakayo Cheruiyot, the Permanent Secretary of
    Internal Security who was indicted in February 2005 and is
    now on trial for the two Anglo-Leasing cases. Kamani’s
    sister is named as the director of a company in the UK that
    occupies the address given as that of Anglo-Leasing in the
    secure passport deal, and his son is listed as director of
    a company occupying the address listed as that of Anglo-
    Leasing’s in the police forensic lab scam. Finally, the
    Githongo dossier directly links Kamani to the two Anglo-
    Leasing scandals. In his account, Githongo details his
    conversation with then-Finance Minister David Mwiraria
    about the mysterious return of some of the money paid on
    the Anglo-Leasing forensics lab project. Mwiraria, despite
    previously claiming not to know who stood behind Anglo-
    Leasing, made a “startling admission” which directly
    implicated both Kamani and himself when he told Githongo
    that the money was only returned after Mwiraria had ordered
    an associate to contact Kamani by phone to do so.

    JIMMY WANJIGI
    ————-

    17. (S) Like Getonga, Jimmy Wanjigi’s role in the Anglo-
    Leasing and similar scandals has been to facilitate and
    channel contracts, communication, and money between the
    private businessmen like Perera and Kamani on the one hand,
    and GOK agencies and officials responsible for procurement
    on the other. Like Getonga, he is also a relative newcomer
    to high-level graft, having come on the scene following the
    2002 electoral victory of Kibaki’s coalition. Early in the
    Kibaki administration, he traded on his contacts with
    members of Kibaki’s family (probably without Kibaki’s
    knowledge) to break into Kamani and Perera’s networks, and
    to insist on getting a cut from the security-related
    procurement scams the latter had become experts in
    engineering. One of his first such deals was an extension
    of a Kamani-origin contract begun under the previous
    administration to supply vehicles to the Office of the
    President. The overpriced contract reportedly netted
    Wanjigi and Murungaru $5.6 million.

    18. (S) Wanjigi also turns up later as a participant in
    Perera’s massively overpriced naval frigate deal, working
    behind the scenes with Perera, Getonga and others to work
    out a way to move the deal forward, despite the risk of
    public exposure. After the February 2005 resignation of
    John Githongo, he is also widely believed to have worked
    closely with Getonga to put out a number of false rumors to
    discredit Githongo by, for example, circulating rumors and
    planting stories in the media alleging that Githongo was a
    British spy and a child molester. Githongo himself
    believes Wanjigi and Getonga were behind the death threats
    that forced him to resign and go into self-imposed exile.
    According to Githongo’s written account, the very day
    Githongo succeeded in having President Kibaki sack some
    officials since indicted for their involvement in Anglo-
    Leasing, Finance Minister Mwiraria came to Githongo’s
    office “and warned that Mr. Jimmy Wanjigi had sworn to kill
    me.”

    ADVERSE EFFECT ON U.S. NATIONAL INTERESTS
    —————————————–

    19. (C) The corruption network that perpetrated the Anglo
    Leasing and similar corruption scandals has had serious
    adverse effects on three areas of U.S. interests specified
    in the proclamation, which are also three of the Embassy’s
    top Mission Performance Plan (MPP) priorities: promoting
    democracy and good governance (starting with the stability
    of the government); encouraging sustainable economic
    development; and, combating terrorism and transnational
    crime.

    20. (C) Before coming to power in December 2002, the
    National Rainbow Coalition (NARC) adopted a “zero-
    tolerance” anti-corruption posture. Public expectations
    were high that the new government would break with the
    corrupt excesses of the Moi administration, and
    international donors made plans to help bolster Kenya’s
    nascent anti-corruption effort. However, by December 2003,
    barely a year into NARC’s tenure in office, high-level
    officials were engaging in precisely the corrupt practices
    they had vowed to stop, helped in great part by the
    seamless transition into the new administration provided by
    Getonga, of the corruption network led on the private
    sector side by Kamani, Perera and Wanjigi.

    21. (C) The Kenyan Government’s ability to successfully
    battle corruption touches directly on the legitimacy and
    thus the stability of the Government itself. Proper
    enforcement of the rule of law is thus central to Kenya’s
    political and economic development. Getonga, Perera,
    Kamani, and Wanjigi are at the heart of a return to a
    culture of high-level impunity with respect to mega-
    corruption and the rule of law. Such a culture will
    maintain a brake on Kenya’s efforts at democratic
    development, enabling corrupt politicians to retain their
    offices and sending a clear message to the next political
    generation that corruption and cronyism are the best tools
    for career advancement. Because the Government
    (specifically President Kibaki) has not demonstrated the
    political will to take action against those accused of

    corruption, international donor countries working closely
    with Kenyan reformers must use whatever tools are at our
    disposal to discourage negative behavior.

    22. (U) The costs of corruption have a direct macro-
    economic impact on Kenya’s development. The $700 million
    at stake in the subset of corrupt deals investigated by
    Githongo alone far exceeds annual donor assistance flows to
    Kenya, a country which recently asked the international
    community for $230 million in emergency food aid and in
    which 56% of the population lives on a dollar a day or
    less. Corruption is also a major impediment to greater
    domestic and foreign investment in the Kenyan economy.
    With little expectation of a level playing field in bidding
    for public sector contracts, and without a firm basis in
    the rule of law, legitimate investors remain hesitant to
    commit large amounts of capital. A recent, credible study
    of Kenya’s investment climate found that corruption, i.e.,
    the need to pay officials when bidding for projects and/or
    obtaining permits, adds 6% to business costs in Kenya.

    23. (C) Kenya has suffered multiple mass casualty al Qaeda
    terrorist attacks in recent years and active al Qaeda
    plotting here continues apace. The continuation of high-
    level corruption sends the signal that the GOK, and
    particularly the security sector, can be bought. For
    years, members of the Kenya Police Service were among the
    most commonly cited perpetrators of graft. This lack of
    adherence to the rule of law may have contributed to the
    enabling environment for the successful terrorist attacks
    of 1998 and 2002. The Kenyan Police continue to be cited
    as the most corrupt institution in public opinion surveys
    on corruption. Getonga and others, growing wealthy while
    running the nation, set the poorest possible example for a
    police force severely damaged by years of corruption. That
    the secretive security sector was singled out for corrupt
    exploitation is particularly pernicious. Indeed, in the
    Githongo dossier, other accomplices are quoted as saying
    that they “took advantage of American terrorism-related
    fears to expand what was a small project into a cash cow.”

    COMMENT: MAKING A DIFFERENCE
    —————————-

    24. (C) In any discussion with Kenyans concerned about
    corruption in their country, there is consistent and
    vehement support for U.S. and other third-country actions
    to revoke visas of corrupt officials and businessmen. The
    prohibition makes a difference, both as a deterrent and as
    a punishment. Press speculation that David Mwiraria
    resigned from his post as Finance Minister on February 1 to
    avoid the possible embarrassment of a visa ban that would
    have prevented him from visiting Washington on official
    business is probably an exaggeration. But it illustrates
    the reality that U.S. visa revocations are a powerful anti-
    graft tool in Kenya.

    25. (C) In this vein, in a meeting on February 18, KACC
    Director Aaron Ringera urged a small group of Western
    diplomats to take visa action against corrupt individuals,
    including, he emphasized, private sector actors. He then
    specifically raised the four individuals who are the
    subject of this cable, without any knowledge that Post was
    already considering this request to Washington. While we
    believe we have chosen the right individuals at this
    moment, Post will likely request additional 212(f) visa
    revocation actions as more information on Anglo-Leasing-
    style corruption scandals come to light in Kenya.

    ADDITIONAL INFORMATION REQUIRED FOR FINDING
    ——————————————-

    26. (C) Getonga, Perera, Kamani and Wanjigi have not been
    informed by post of the fact that Presidential Proclamation
    7750, under Section 212 (F) of the INA, may apply to them.
    Given the front-page news coverage of former Minister
    Nicholas Biwott’s (the previous Kenyan government’s
    corruption counterpart) and former Minister Christopher
    Murungaru’s refusals and repeated public calls now for
    similar actions to be taken against other corrupt officials
    here — it is extremely doubtful that any of them are

    unaware of the possible ineligibility.

    27. (C) Deepak Kamani (DPOB:03-07-53, Kenya) currently has
    a valid B1/B2 visa, which expires on July 29, 2006. He is
    believed to have fled Kenya in recent weeks, and may pose a
    flight risk to the U.S. Alfred Getonga (DPOB: 01-08-63,
    Kenya) currently has a valid B1/B2 visa, which expires on
    May 24, 2006. Jimmy Wanjigi (DPOB: 01-09-57, Kenya) does
    not have a currently valid U.S. visa. He received an A2
    visa in 2003 when he participated in a trip to the U.S. by
    former President Moi, but that visa has since expired.
    Anura Perera’s background remains shrouded in mystery, and
    Post will send additional background information when it
    becomes available from other diplomatic sources and/or the
    KACC. There is no visa information available on the
    Consular Consolidated Database for anybody by this name.

    ACTION REQUEST
    ————–

    28. (S) ACTION REQUEST: Because of the serious and far-
    reaching nature of their corrupt activities, Post
    recommends that Alfred Getonga, Anura Perera, Deepak
    Kamani, and Joseph Wanjigi be found ineligible under
    Presidential Proclamation 7750 for travel to the U.S. and
    that no exception be granted. Please advise ASAP.

    Bellamy
    http://www.wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/06NAIROBI944_a.html

  • Göran is a fool

    Göran Skog you can never blame Margaret because according to the story, you approached her, paid for her goodies and imported her to Sweden to keep her as personal property.U saw her violence in Mombasa but still thought you could keep her.Now your personal life is on the Internet with photos and your dirty ways with women whose character is questionable!!!! you began it all. Don’t blame Margaret.

  • Keith Sirimoe

    Egyptian Army Raping a woman in Cairo!

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