Current Disagreements in ODM: Who is William Ruto?

Chasing The Presidential Dream:
Raila Odinga’s Strategic Alliance
With Political Opportunists

Extract from “Stolen Presidency”

William Ruto: Political opportunism gone overboard

Before the advent of the November 21 Referendum, the unfolding crisis with the writing of a new Constitution after NARC came to power, the dumping of the MoU and the formation of ODM, William Ruto, Uhuru Kenyatta, Kalonzo Musyoka and Musalia Mudavadi who all became “leading lights” in ODM, were all members of the vanquished ruling Party KANU before they resurfaced to join Raila in the anti-Kibaki struggle. Uhuru Kenyatta was the Chairman of KANU Party, William Ruto, the Secretary General, while Musalia Mudavadi was the immediate former Vice President who served under none other than former Dictator Daniel arap Moi, a ruthless dictator who plundered Kenya’s economy for twenty four years.

However, Raila decided to work with these politicians, some of whom had frustrated his efforts towards rising to the Presidency after he accepted to merge his NDP Party with Moi’s KANU. Raila accepted to work with Uhuru Kenyatta who was central in his departure from KANU four months before the December 2002 elections. Despite the unpredictability of these newfound political allies, Raila convinced his supporters that unity with previous enemies was the way out. In fact, there was little alternative because Raila could not mobilize to defeat the Wako Draft of the Constitution using LDP alone. He needed support countrywide. Who were the opportunists Raila decided to work with in the process of chasing Presidential ambitions?

William Ruto

At forty-two, William Ruto was definitely one of the youngest politicians in Kenya whom, like myself, also belongs to the restless “post-Uhuru generation.” Ruto is very promising and it may be too early to judge him on the basis of his brief political history. Despite his profile as a key element in the Kenyan reform movement represented by ODM, Ruto is another political child of former dictator Daniel arap Moi who came into prominence in 1992 as Treasurer of Youth for KANU 92 (YK92), a marauding and gangster-like lobby group that was set up by KANU to drum support for the re-election of Moi at a time when the despot was very

After Moi was installed as President following the 1997 elections, Youth for KANU 92 became irrelevant and Ruto became politically unemployed. It is at this point that the son of Eldoret plunged into electoral politics eventually emerging as the winner of the Eldoret North Parliamentary seat after the 1997 general elections, which was widely believed to have been rigged by Moi who returned to power to serve his last term as President. Ruto had no problem capturing his seat because he had the support of President Moi whom, as President of the Republic, called the shots in the wider Rift Valley Province dominated by members of Moi’s Kalenjin ethnic group.

The real political profile of the real Ruto emerges after his election to Parliament on a KANU ticket both in December 1997 and December 2002. After Raila opted for a political pact with Moi when the son of Odinga failed to become President in the 1997 election, and after Raila fused his National Development Party (NDP) with KANU to form the New KANU, Ruto supported the move because this was not just politically expedient but because Ruto had to support anything Moi said since Moi was the kingmaker in Rift Valley who also introduced the young Ruto into politics. As soon as it became clear that Moi had other ideas that were represented by “Project Uhuru,” Ruto became one of the most ardent opponents of Raila Odinga in his quest for the Presidency because Ruto was dancing to the tunes of Moi and other senior Kalenjin politicians such as Nicholas Biwott. Moi was Ruto’s political Godfather and going against the old man’s wishes could have been anathema at that point in time.

After Raila formed the “Rainbow Alliance” in his struggle for democratic nominations of the New KANU’s Presidential candidate, Ruto was among the first “KANU hardliners” to dismiss the Rainbow Alliance. This was because soon after it was initiated, Ruto emerged as one of the staunchest believers in the Uhuru Project mainly because his political fortunes at that time were tied to being loyal to Moi. Ruto dismissed the Rainbow Alliance that was being headed by Raila and asserted that Uhuru would be nominated by the New KANU as the Party’s Presidential candidate because “there was no other candidate.” By then, Ruto was the “Director of Elections” in the New KANU and Minister of Home Affairs in Moi’s government. Dismissing Raila Odinga’s group, he said, “We are going to Kasarani to endorse Mr Kenyatta and those criss-crossing the country under the umbrella of the Rainbow Alliance are wasting their time. There will be nobody to vote for or against.” (287)

Raila was running for nomination and by asserting that there was “nobody to vote for” at the New KANU nominations except Uhuru, the signal Ruto was sending was that he had adopted the “no nonsense” and authoritarian methods of Moi to ensure that the will of the President, his Godfather, prevailed. As the holder of the powerful position of Director of Elections in the New KANU and by asserting strongly that the issue of Uhuru Kenyatta’s nomination was as good as over when Raila was still in the race and campaigning across the country, Ruto sent a strong message to Raila that he was no longer welcome in the New KANU outfit if he had ambitions of running as President under the New KANU ticket.

Ruto’s profile as a political opportunist was strengthened because when he discovered that Moi was already a spent force after the December 2002 elections, which removed KANU from power, he chose to forget historical factors and agreed to work with Raila Odinga who also needed him as part of the wider ODM strategy for power takeover. Ruto was among KANU sycophants who once created great anxiety to the Kenyan nation by making a public declaration that it was fine for Moi to rule Kenya for the next one hundred years. At a fundraiser for Kaiti Educational Fund in June 2000, Ruto was quoted in The Daily Nation saying that “As far as President Moi’s retirement is concerned, it is up to those who voted for him to decide. Right now, we are still okay with him going on even for another 100 years.”(288)

“Kalenjin Protection Plan”

After Moi’s “Uhuru Project” was defeated, Ruto dumped Moi to join Raila he had opposed during the Uhuru Project crisis. In certain instances, Ruto went overboard in his campaign that Moi rule beyond 2002. At a funds drive in aid of Sugoi Secondary school in April 2001, William Ruto together with former Finance Minister, Chris Okemo, MP Ekwe Ethuro and MP John Marirmoi declared that they would ensure that the clause limiting Presidential term would be repealed to enable Moi rule after the December 2002 election “because it was President Moi’s democratic right to vie for another term in the next general election.”(289) At the same function, Ruto added that he was not afraid of being called a sycophant of Moi and “… wondered why opposition leaders get jittery when they hear that President Moi should continue ruling the country.” It was these kinds of utterances that provides a pointer to Ruto’s brand of opportunism. After he participated actively in opposition to Raila’s Presidential candidacy in the New KANU, Ruto then proceeded to surprise Kenyans by making a public pronouncement to the effect that Kenyans needed to proceed to the December 2002 elections with the old colonial Constitution (290) that many Kenyans believed was undemocratic because it favoured KANU.

The “Ufungamano Initiative,” a church  led move that was also trying to get assurances from political parties, prepared a memorandum that was presented to political parties to sign as a commitment to the delivery of a new Constitution by mid 2003. When KANU was approached to sign it, it is Ruto who emerged as the voice of opposition against such a move. According to The Daily Nation, which reported KANU’s opposition, “The memorandum drafted by the faiths-led Ufungamano Initiative seeking to commit political parties to a new Constitution by mid next year ‘is of no consequence,’ Kanu’s Director of elections William Ruto said yesterday.”(291) Ruto, the then Director of KANU Election, had also warned that there would be chaos if Ufungamano group dared visit Bomet District.(292) After KANU lost the election in 2002, it was no longer opportunistic for Ruto to continue opposing the delivery of a new Constitution. The rules of opportunism dictate that political positions could change according to circumstances.

When KANU was eventually defeated and NARC failed to deliver a new Constitution to Kenyans, it is the same Ruto who emerged in ODM to take a strong position on the need to abolish the colonial Constitution he supported when KANU was calling the shots and had the advantage. This abrupt shift of position was the product of pure political opportunism because for Ruto, it became fashionable to support (after 2002) the Bomas Draft of the Constitution as a matter of political survival.

Opportunistic politicians who understood this simple arithmetic such as Ruto abandoned their political parties and crossed over to ODM while those who were blinded by the goodies that came with their top positions in the Kibaki government are the ones who later walked out of the Bomas Constitutional Conference since the new Constitution that was being crafted was not in the interest of the ruling class that was sitting in Kibaki’s government at that point in time.

Even as members of the “Youth for Kalenjin Unity” publicly opposed Ruto’s support for Uhuru Kenyatta and as other members of the Kalenjin community insisted that Uhuru was not fit to be President because nobody knew his background, Ruto surprised his community by saying that he was supporting Uhuru Kenyatta to succeed Moi because the former dictator needed someone to protect him and the Kalenjin after Moi went into retirement.(293)

Leaning heavily on “Kalenjin protection plan” as the basis of political support for Uhuru, Ruto said, “Kalenjins need protection after Moi’s retirement and that is why we have chosen Kenyatta, who will protect us.”(294) It was Reverend Maritim Rirei, the Anglican Priest at the Eldoret Diocese, who later answered Ruto by reminding him that the Kalenjin did not need anybody to protect them and that “most Kalenjins suffered like other Kenyans both economically and socially and that the community should not be hoodwinked to vote for anybody imposed on

However, the voices of reason that was represented by the likes of Reverend Maritim did not get their way because they were nowhere near the power structure where main decisions were being made. Project Uhuru did proceed as planned, Raila jumped out of the New KANU and the former ruling Party lost elections to NARC with Kibaki as President. It was after Kibaki took over the realms of leadership that clues about Ruto’s alleged illegal deals began to surface, deals that might have been concealed by KANU government in some kind of “protection arrangement.”

After NARC came to power, Ruto was arrested together with Mr. Samwel Mwita (a former Commissioner of Lands) and charged with hiving off a portion of Ngong forest and selling it to hurriedly formed companies in a deal that was estimated to have cost Ksh272 million.(296) The former Minister was later charged with Mwita of defrauding the Kenya Pipeline Company (which allegedly bought the land) of Ksh77 million although the thirty-three counts they were facing were reduced to nine. Ruto was charged with receiving Ksh9,916,836 from Ms. Hellen Njue, the Finance Manager of Kenya Pipeline by pretending that they could sell to her 1.75 hectares of land in Ngong Forest in Nairobi on September 6, 2001,(297) when he was still in office. After the land was hived off, it was split into thirty-two plots, which were then allocated to thirty-two different companies, which, in turn, sold the land to Kenya Pipeline Company.(298) Apart from Ruto, Mr. Mwita and Mr. Joshua Kulei, companies that were listed in the case as the accused were Berke Commercial Agencies, Priority, Celtic multi-systems and the Sovereign group. According to a report published in the April 15 2004 edition of The Daily Nation newspaper, police believed that five of the companies that bought the stolen land before selling the plots to Kenya pipeline belonged to Ruto…

From: Raila Odinga’s Stolen Presidency: Consequences and the Future of Kenya (Pages 163-168)


  • I read your article and i would like to clarify some few things you seem not to know.First Ruto is not moi´s political child as you mentioned.After 92 elections Moi put Ruto behind the bars because of his political ambitions.In 1997 KANU nominations Ruto won Eldoret north nominations against the late Chesire and move was so furios to an extend of calling a rally at eldoret north to try and convince people to abandon Ruto and i quote Moi´s words that day“ who is this man called Ruto? who is his father? “ and when he realised that he got himself into trouble he said and i quote“ haya ndio huyo mchagueni“. Ruto did campaigns on an old suzuki car which used to break down all the time during his campaigns and he had to walk or use motorbike.All the wealthy quys in eldoret were against him because he was little known and in one extend people were paid large of money not to attend his rallies.Despite that he captured the seat because he is a strategist.Soon after 97 elections moi went after Ruto again of which in one occassion he went into hiding,and Ruto ganged up with Kirwa and Jirongo to launch UDM and that is the time Moi realised he was fighting a strong strategist aand he pulled him into his goverment,which he served for only 2 years as assistant minister and later minister for homeaffairs for 1 month after kalonzo defected to NARC.Ruto build his political carrier on his own and is known to speak out his mind.Remember he fought the strong waves of Moi in 2007 to earn Raila overwhelming victory in the province.In the kalenjin voting zone Ruto is undispuet king,and that is why old politicians like Kosgey and Bett shy away from him because they don´t to be seen as following a young man.But the truth is that without Ruto Raila will loose heavily in riftvalley,even the anti-Ruto guys like will never see parliament again.I might sound unrealistic now but you and many others will live to see that.

    KSB: You have “strategically” left out the YK92 bit where Ruto’s story begins. Remember Moi should rule for 100 years noise? Is it the same Ruto who wanted Moi/Kalenjin protected with the Uhuru Project? As you say, we wait and see but my bet is that with “my Kalenjin people” politics, Ruto will have to work hard to be a man of all the people of Kenya to achieve his ambitions.

  • love you 4 ur stands.

  • JJ kamotho said that KANU will rule for a hundred years.Kibaki is a life member of KANU,he has never denouced it.Ruto,Kalonzo and Uhuru are idealogically KANU,they opposed the new consititution either openly or inwardly just like what they did when they were all in KANU.Is JJ’s propecy been fulfilled,this will be tragic for kenya after all the gains.

  • CHITO: For your information, Ruto began to make his wealth when he was a member of Moi’s Youth for Kanu ’92 (YK’92), a gang used to harrass, loot and kill non-Kalenjin in the Rift Valley, while in the urban areas, they bought voters using money printed by the Central Bank boss, Eric Kotut. Some of the Goldenberg money was also allegedly used for Moi’s campaigns. YK’92 was against multiparty politics, meaning Ruto has no ideolgy for democracy.

    KANU Youth’92, Kalenjin Warriors and Mayhem:

    Available reports show that Ruto has been mentioned in the same breadth with violence for a long time. He made his considerable wealth as a leader of the Youth for KANU ’ 92, a dubious lobby group that was formed to support the Presidency of former dictator Daniel arap Moi.

    At the time the organization was formed, he was a Masters student in zoology at the Universit y of Nairobi. He abandoned his studies to throw his weight with Moi’s totalitarianism and to take advant age of the free money flowing into the organization.

    This organization was famous for one thing: its bottomless pockets. It was never clear where the money came from, but it has been claimed that former Central Bank governor Eric Kotut, a fellow Kalenjin, printed paper money to finance Moi’s campaign.

    Other reports allege that t his money came from the Goldenberg swindle which started in the early 1990s, and in which the Kenyan taxpayer lost over Shs. 80 billion. If this is true, Ruto, his YK’92 colleague Cyrus Jirongo, as well as Musalia Mudavadi, the finance minister at the height of the heist, have a good motivation to prevent a government that might prosecute them. Aware of this murky past, the British have slapped a ban on Ruto so that he cannot travel to the UK.

    YK’92, as the lobby was called, was manned by youthful operatives in flashy suits, the most conspicuous ones being Ruto and Jirongo. However, the YK’ 92 represented the urban, sophisticated face of a campaign whose mantra was to show that multiparty politics was not going to work in Kenya. The mission of YK’ 92 included vote buying, bribery, and intimidation.

    In the rural areas of the Rift Valley, the more unsophisticated phase of YK’92 was in operation. Styled as “ Kalenjin warriors,” and armed with bows and arrows, some of industrial grade, their mission was to drive out Kikuyu, Kisii, Luo and Luhya vot ers. It is notable that the very first clashes broke out in Nandi, Ruto’s neighboring district that still retains the name of the tribe. A report compiled by Human Rights Watch called Divide and Rule, notes:

    “The ethnic clashes first broke out on October 29, 1991, at Meteitei farm in Tinderet, Nandi District, on the border of Rift Valley, Nyanza, and Western Provinces. As the fighting continued, the Kalenjin community was accused of attacking the Luo community. Luo leaders, whose community was the first to be affected by the clashes, concluded that the violence was the direct result of the majimbo rally held at Kapsabet a month earlier. After the violence
    erupted, leaflets were distributed in the area warning Luos and other non-Kalenjins to leave the area by December 12, 1991, or “face the consequences.” The leaflets were signed by a group calling itself “the Nandi Warriors.”

    These Nandi Warriors later became known as the “Kalenjin Warriors,” as more attacks were launched on non-Kalenjins. According to Divide and Rule, “The attackers were often identically dressed in informal uniform of shorts and tee-shirts and always armed with traditional bows and arrows as well as pangas. Sometimes, the warriors would have their faces marked in the traditional manner with clay. The warriors would loot, kill, and burn houses, leaving death and destruction in their wake.”

    Some of the fiercest fighting was between the Kalenjin and the Luo. This is how Divide and Rule puts it: “The Kericho-Kisumu road was temporarily closed as “Kalenjin warriors” armed with bows and arrows battled with Luos across the road. The confrontation between the two communities followed an attack by Kalenjins against hundreds of Luos residing in Nandi and Kericho Districts
    during which the Kalenjins had looted and burned Luo homes. The Luo community responded with a counter-attack. A Luo policeman trying to stop the fighting allegedly killed a Kalenjin, resulting in a new attack by the Kalenjins against neighboring Owiro farm, populated by Luos.”

    Given this history, it would appear that the Luo, in their bid for power, have suppressed their memory and allowed themselves to be dragged by their leaders into a pact with the devil for political expediency. Although the Kenyatta regime was accused of carrying out targeted assassinations of
    politicians deemed to be a threat, it is true to say that in terms of ethnic groups, there is no community in Kenya that has caused more death and destruction to fellow Kenyans than the Kalenjin.

  • It is obvious that Mr Ruto and other remnants of the dangerous YK ‘92 group that helped former President Moi cling on to power and bring the country down on its knees, are determined to do anything in their power to maintain the culture of impunity.

    Moi’s strategy then was to lure Kenyans into believing that the whole idea of multiparty politics was championed by foreigners and would supposedly create chaos.

    Flash forward to 2010. Mr Ruto, a student of Mois, while enjoying the rights that were earned by Kenyans with the help of an unrelenting US ambassador, is on overdrive in his bid to return the country to the dark days of his mentor.


  • Not only did YK ‘92 symbolise the brutality and cunningness of the party, it ruined the professional and political careers of many people, and plundered the economy.

    Ruto’s chairman in YK’92 was current Lugari MP Cyrus Jirongo. In the early 1990s, Jirongo was a financial celebrity. Besides being ruthless, YK’92 distributed printed money, gravely affecting the economy. Those who supported activities of the YK’92 included Uhuru Kenyatta, Najib Balala, Zakayo Cheruyoit and a host of civil servants and professors.

    A distinctive feature of these leaders is they never supported the clamour for reforms in the 1990s. Despite the fact the Kanu administration had been accused of promoting corruption, tribalism and political repression, the YK’92 group never condemned the Government. To date, they remain unapologetic about the tyrannical tendencies witnessed during past regimes.

    It may be recalled that during the 2005 referendum, the same leaders took a revenge on President Kibaki for handing them an overwhelming defeat in the 2002 elections. Presenting themselves in revolutionary masks, they hoodwinked everybody that they were reformers when they joined the Orange Movement to oppose the Wako Draft Constitution.

    Proceedings in the Ninth Parliament have, however, exposed them for what they are. Twice, they conspired to undermine efforts by Parliament to fight corruption.

    The House strangely rejected a parliamentary report, which censured former Finance Minister Amos Kimunya for the fraudulent disposal of the Grand Regency Hotel, after Ruto and Uhuru mobilised Kalenjin and Mt Kenya MPs to trash it.

  • More trash on Ruto:

    But Ruto is a dangerous man. He lives in times where self-assertion (to any extent) is the accepted formula for political success. Behind his disarming smile is a silent ruthlessness. He is that blend of man who would have made Machiavelli both deeply horrified and greatly impressed. And despite his coaxingly rosy dreams for the future are the indelible exploits of his past….

    Being an old boy of the ‘Youth for KANU ’92’ school, there was something hilariously ironic about the din raised by him over the December 2007 elections. The very man once appointed ‘Director of Elections’ by Moi for matters of …er…political expediency.

    He features prominently in the scandals lining up in quick and alarming succession both from the Moi era and past it. The Nyayo connection is something he can never shake off. Angloleasing, Goldenberg- there are enough cases pending due to injunctions and other technicalities.

    He is widely seen as having orchestrated in the ’92 and ’97 clashes and recently the Waki report where he is accorded notable mention. Ruto, MP for Eldoret North where Felician Kabuga MAY or may not have been allegedly residing once; here where the worst of the machete wielding took place- something that Kabuga knows more than a little about. No implications here, just a ground break in the field of the blatantly obvious. A leaked ODM strategy paper of the ’07 campaigns contains odious truths- if so proved- of an exclusionist campaign with ethnic cleansing as a last resort- Headed by him.

    His subtle passes coloured by some rather overt gestures at the presidency should more alarm than excite us. He is a fiery proponent of the parliamentary system. That scares me. But the Kenyan populace, being what it is, innately whimsical and capricious, is hailing him as a political messiah of sorts. That surely makes a case for him being a ‘Teflon’ politician. – Nothing sticks to him.

    He will survive every major scandal thrown his way. He will wade his way through the murk and still come out squeaky clean. Sometimes logic…common decency are at the mercy of history. ‘Sometimes history decides’

    Already the political sphere is abuzz with news of a Ruto-Uhuru merger that, if it lasts to Election Day, promises a substantive shift in loyalties- a paradigm of politics. Perhaps this is his true talent; this ability to realign and continually re-invent himself. From a Moi errand boy under the self-proclaimed professor, to the lifeblood of the opposition- the young turk who was a symbol of the change that was proving so elusive- and now a warrior of the people; all fronts on which Uhuru has failed miserably.

    As a politician, William Ruto is that evolutionary breed of cockroach designed to survive a nuclear holocaust, and us all.

  • Ruto was an ardent student of the Moi brand of politics. Picked from obscurity before the 1992 General Elections, Ruto was appointed second in command of a new organization called “Youth for KANU 1992” or YK92 in short. YK92 had only one goal: to use any means necessary to ensure the victory of Moi and the KANU party.

    YK92 received an unlimited amount of funds to buy support for KANU. The source of the cash was a mystery but it is believed that the government engaged in massive printing of money. The Goldenberg scandal could have provided more slush funds.

    Moi and KANU managed to win the 1992 elections but, needless to say, the operations of YK92 had flooded the economy with paper money. The years 1993 – 1994 witnessed the highest inflation in Kenya’s history as prices of basic commodities doubled and trebled. This was when the Shs500 currency note was introduced.

    Come the 1997 elections, Moi supported William Ruto’s candidacy in Eldoret North constituency against the late Reuben Chesire. The interesting angle is that Reuben Chesire was related to Moi. However, friendship counts for little in politics and Moi is the master of use-and-dump strategies. With Moi’s backing, Ruto won the elections and was appointed to the cabinet. By 2002, Ruto was a powerful Minister for Internal Security and an ardent defender of Moi.

    In a sense, Ruto symbolized the arrogance and corruption of Moi’s last years of office. He displayed a great deal of single-mindedness when defending Moi’s choice of Uhuru Kenyatta as successor in the 2002 elections. Ruto virulently opposed the constitutional review process led by Professor Yash Pal Ghai and which culminated in the Bomas conference. Often, Ruto appeared on national television frothing at the mouth as he dismissed constitutional reforms as an attack on the Moi presidency. To Ruto’s credit, Kibaki ally John Michuki confirmed in 2003 that constitutional reforms were meant to remove Moi and KANU from power.

    Ruto has never subscribed to Raila’s populist approach to politics. Ruto is a hardcore conservative more comfortable with Mwai Kibaki than with Raila Odinga. It was naked opportunism that brought Raila and Ruto together. Raila needed the Kalenjin vote and Ruto wanted to get back into government after KANU’s loss in 2002.

    Ruto is among politicians who believe that Raila is a reckless activist who cannot be trusted with leading Kenya. Ruto is certainly not a socialist. He is an extremely wealth man who made lots of money through his connections to Moi. Apart from unlimited access to YK92 funds, Ruto was allocated government land which he afterwards sold to state-owned corporations at a huge profit. For instance, Ruto made hundreds of millions of shillings selling land to the National Social Security Fund (NSSF). Ruto’s companies won tenders to supply government departments and state corporations.

    In 2007, Moi decided to support President Mwai Kibaki’s candidacy and told Ruto to follow suit. Ruto was convinced that Raila had the best chance of winning and refused to heed Moi’s calling. Now, it looks like Ruto is going back home to Moi and Uhuru Kenyatta as Raila’s political fortunes dwindle by the day.

    One final point to consider: Did Ruto really fall out with Moi in 2007 or was it part of Moi’s political strategy of ensuring he had a stake in government regardless of who won the election? The hard fact is that if Raila had won the presidency, Ruto would have taken care of Moi’s interests.

  • Ruto the warlord:

    Witness reports – the creation of the kenyan genocide recruitment, training, indoctrination and operations of kalenjin ethnic cleansing terror gangs.

    1. Mumiat oathing on august seven in kericho at kenugut primary and secondary schools complex in kericho: eye witnesses said that 25 oxen and 25 dogs were slaughtered for the oath. The oath was for binding kalenjins together for the purpose of ethnic cleansing of all kikuyus and kisiis out of the rift valley.

    William samoei arap ruto brought the oxen but the dogs were collected locally. Kenugut is ruto’s ancestral home. Ruto is a kipsigis but his father had sold off their family land and migrated to eldoret, a nandi-occupied area in uasin gishu. Hundreds of kalenjin young men toook the oath. The aims of the oathing were: to kill and drive out all kikuyus from the rift valley and drive them to naivasha where forces under william ole ntimama, an ardent kikuyu hater who supported the 1992 genocide targeting the kikuyu, would take over and kill and drive the kikuyus to kijabe, the pre- colonial western boundary of kikuyu land. To reduce the kikuyu number to a manageable level by killing one million of them by mass killing of those seeking refuge in churches, refugee camps and other areas. To support odm who had promised to help them accomplish this task within 90 days of taking over the government of kenya. After the oaths, training and indoctrination camps were set up and operated in the following places:

    Eldoret on mr. Mark too’s farm. Mark too is the former chairman of lonrho.

    Girimoli at the sub-chief’s farm in kericho. Here, both luo and kalenjins were trained bomet in the farm owned by mr. Kipkalya kones. Note that kones of involved in the horrific 1992 genocide against the kikuyus but he was never prosecuted.

    Kuresoi on the farm of hon. Cheboi who is reported by eye witnesses to have initiated the ethnic cleansing of kikuyus out of kuresoi in september 2007 before the elections.

    Kipkelion in kunyak in kiptenden sub-location in the farm of mr. Kip chumba who harbors very strong hatred of the kikuyu.

    Eldama ravine on the farm of mr. Musa sirma.

    2. Follow up mass oathings at circumcision rites from 31st october 2007 to 5th november 2007: the aim of these mass oathing ceremonies was to prepare all kalenjin young men for ethnic cleansing war before the general election. All the young men who had missed the august oath were given similar oaths. Circumcision of all mature kalenjin young men was conducted so as to ensure that all of them would be given oaths, indoctrinated in kikuyu hatred and ethnic cleansing and ready for war before the general election. As usual the circumcision was done in forests and the young men trained in these forest hidings for one full month. Among the things taught in the camps were: war techniques and war cries which signal gathering for attack (a sort of high pitched ululation), and actual attack burning and killing (an intermittent monkey whoop).

    Culture: including the role of their legendary colonial hero, koitalel arap samoei and his re-incarnation, samoei arap ruto. Kikuyu hatred where the kikuyu were described as hyenas (madoa-doa, i.e. Spotted hyenas) and thieves who must be killed and expelled out of the rift valley.

    Marking of kalenjin homes with small, 6 to 8 inch long, gourds and kikuyu homes with a black “x”. These markings indicated which homes were to be spared and which homes were to be eliminated.

    3. Promises made to kalenjin young men at indoctrination and training places the young men were promised the following: the odm government was going to employ all of them in the army. During the ethnic cleansing war, they would be paid in cash every morning through their village elders who would also bless them for the day’s acts of terror, violence and carnage. Their own parents would be given some of land belonging to the dead or displaced kikuyus and 100,000 shillings per homestead towards the construction cost of a new house since the young men were to burn all kikuyu houses.

    Each warrior would be given a kikuyu woman for wife from kikuyu women of reproductive age who were to be spared in the planned massive genocide. All properties and businesses belonging to the kikuyu in the rift valley would be given to the kalenjin under the odm majimbo (regionalism) government. For the rest of the kikuyu farmland in the rift valley, white men of british and southern african origin including ex-zimbabwe whites would form joint venture companies with kalenjins to farm such land. The new companies would employ only kalenjins. All profits from such farms would be shared between the white men and the kalenjins. This would make the kalenjins very wealthy. (nb: it has been reported that the white men and kalenjin leaders had been seen touring such land long before the elections).

    3. Consequences of the preparation of kalenjin terror gangs: eye witnesses reported that on 30th december at 10 am, at the caltex petrol station in kericho town:

    (a) mr. Franklin bett gave unspecified sums of money to kalenjin and luo young men.

    (b) immediately after the payment the young men started stoning vehicles and burning kiosks which they thought were kikuyu owned but were actually owned by kipsigis and kisii people.

    (c) at kunyak in kericho the following took place: the kalenjins lit a huge fire and bundles of a ceremonial milky plant were brought. Meat was roasted and taken by the kalenjin young men and elders. The elders administered oaths and tied pieces of the milky plant around the necks of the kalenjin young men.

    (d) when the ceremony was over the kalenjin young men who had participated went around threatening kikuyus in swahili telling the kikuyus, “whether kibaki wins or loses, you will find out the difference between blankets (for sleeping on) and gunny bags (for picking the dead). “kibaki ashinde asishinde mtatofautisha blanketi na gunia.”

    (e) at koru in kipkelion, within 15 minutes of the announcement of kibaki’s win, kalenjins started terrorizing kikuyus and burning kikuyu farms and property.

    (f) within two and a half hours, kalenjin terror was unleashed on kikuyu properties in all towns and farming areas in the rift valley. Kalenjin young men killed kikuyus and looted and burned their property while chanting the war songs they had learned at the oath-taking rites.

    4. Collusion by the police and provincial administration at girimoli in kipkelion, the first wave of kalenjin terror gangs were repulsed by the kikuyu. The police then intervened and chased away the kikuyu and stopped them from defending their women, children and property. The kalenjin terror gangs went on with their grisly business uninterrupted by the police. In some cases, kikuyu men were hacked to death and their women raped in full view of the police. Some of the police told the kikuyus in swahili, “wacheni kazi iendelee”. This was a mockery of kibaki’s re-election campaign call of “kazi iendelee!” meaning “let (my) the work (of rebuilding the economy and progress) continue by re-electing me”.

    5. Funding in the 1992 and 1997 genocide, the organizers had promised the kalenjin terror gangs ksh. 50,000 (fifty thousand shillings) per gang member at the completion of the task. However, it is said that these gangsters were only paid sh. 6,000 (six thousand shillings). This time the gangsters have insisted on daily payments in advance on each morning of the day of assignment. As a result, those who have been captured in action so far have been found to be in possession of between ten thousand and one hundred and fifty thousand shillings in new notes. In addition to the above, extra money was being paid for the following: burning a timber house, 3,000 shillings burning a stone house, 7,500 shillings killing a kikuyu man, a kikuyu boy or a kikuyu woman in her reproductive years, sums unknown but different sums were paid for each category with the maximum being paid for the men and the minimum for the women. No money was given for killing elderly women and female children or for burning grass huts.

    Notwithstanding this, the gangs still killed such women and girl children and burned such huts anyway. It should be noted that in the 1992 genocide, special sums were paid for killing pregnant kikuyu women and for killing their unborn babies. A higher sum was paid for killing a male baby than for killing a female baby. Most of the kalenjin terror gangsters captured in the current genocide and ethnic cleansing state that they will not betray each other or their plans. A few who have talked have said that they are funded by franklin bett, ruto and njonjo. Those who are badly wounded in action are saying to interrogators in swahili, “ulizeni ruto na franklin bett kwa nini ninakufa.” that is “ask ruto and franklin bett why i am dying.”

    6. Organization of the genocide and ethnic cleansing: supreme commander cum re-incarnated laibon koitalel arap samoei: hon william samoei arap ruto; deputy commander: mr. Franklin bett. Assistant commamnders: mr. Musa sirma, mr. Kipkalya kones field commander at operational level: retired brigadier alexander sitinei; other field commanders: retired army officers of different ranks; sympathisers: the majority of kalenjin including civil servants in the rift valley such as police and intelligence personnel.

    7. Ultimate aims of the genocide and ethnic cleansing: to drive all kikuyus out of the rift valley to kill at least one million kikuyus by flushing them out of homes into camps where they are concentrated and bombed or otherwise exterminating them so as to reduce their numerical dominance in kenya. This they say is supported by odm which had promised to help kalenjins get their land back from the kikuyus and accomplish the genocide within 90 days of taking power. To take all kikuyu farms and property to take all young kikuyu women and female children but to kill as many males as possible (this was done over 100 years ago to the uasin gishu (gwas nkishu) maasai and the laikipiak maasai as a result of which these two maasai clans were all but exterminated.) to invite white farmers from southern africa to come and form joint farming ventures with kamatusa (kalenjins, maasai, turkana and samburu) in the best parts of the rift valley farm land which at present legally belongs to kikuyus. Ensure dominance of the kamatusa in the kenyan armed forces by recruiting all their unemployed young men into the army.

    8. Background to william samoei arapruto’s political and spiritual claims. Uasin gishu (the eldoret area of kenya) was formerly occupied by the maasai of the gwas nkishu – i.e. “spotted cows” clan. The gwas nkishu were massacred in a genocidal intra-maasai clan civil war and replaced by the south african whites -boers, and a few british farmers. The kalenjin moved in as “squatters” in the colonial days. Members of the family of the former president de clerks of south africa still live in uasin gishu. However ruto, a kipsigis, migrated from kericho to uasin gishu when his father sold the family ancestral land in kericho, his kipsigis motherland. However, ruto has since bought back 3 acres of his former family farm in kericho but he has not yet put up a home there. Kalenjins are therefore settlers in uasin gishu. The indigenous owners are the gwas nkishu maasai, a few of whom are still in existence among the other maasai clans.

    The kalenjin are as “foreign” in uasin gishu as the white settlers like the de clerks or the kikuyu. Ruto has convinced the kalenjins that he is the re-incarnation of the nandi anti british liberation war hero koitalel arap samoei. Ruto’s middle name is samoei. He and his followers ardently believe that he is the re-incarnation. They also claim that the re-incarnation was prophesied to happen 100 years after the death of their kalenjin liberation hero. They believe that it is now 100 years since the death of koitalel arap samoei. Their re-incarnated hero has therefore come back to liberate the whole of the rift valley and kenya from kikuyu domination. Ruto’s home in kericho is in ainamoi constituency and his uncles still live there. His agenda is not the same as that of the current odm leader’s agenda. He has his own kalenjin, maasai, turkana and samburu (kamatusa) agenda and also says openly that he wishes to be an odm presidential candidate in 2012.

    This report can be compared to the report given yesterday about the genocide. Ruto you will not hide. Ruto the yk92 gang leader has promoted himself to be kenya’s worst warlord. Ruto wants to be an internal security minister to cover his deeds and unleash his wrath to kikuyus. Die soon Ruto and kenyans will not mourn.

    Details of how militia groups planned and attacked people during the post-election violence were revealed yesterday. In eldoret attacks on kikuyu homes were planned by local leaders. As one kalenjin elder present at organising meetings explained to human rights watch: “[the elders] said that if there is any sign that kibaki is winning, then the war should break … they were coaching the young people how to go on the war [sic].” a young kikuyu involved in reprisal attacks on luos in naivasha also pointed to the role of local leaders in organising the violence. “this was not done by ordinary citizens, it was arranged by people with money; they bought the jobless like me. We need something to eat each day,” he told the human rights group. The human rights group says even before president kibaki was officially declared the winner, parts of the province erupted in widespread inter-ethnic violence.

    The report says the delays in the counting of votes and rampant rumours about the imminent rigging of the election sparked attacks primarily directed at members of the kikuyu ethnic group. The report titled ballots to bullets says in eldoret town, many kalenjin politicians stoked ethnic tensions to mobilise political support among their kinsmen, a tactic, the report says, is familiar to kenyan politics. Citing one of many typical examples, it is reported that a rally in the soy area in uasin gishu district heard that, if elected, a certain party would “remove the roots” of particular communities “so there would be only one tribe there.” the kikuyu were commonly referred to as “snake.” “they did not see the repercussions of this,” says the report. Largely as a result of this ethnic rhetoric, many locals, the report adds, believed that once elected, their party would find a way to redistribute most or all land owned by the people considered outsiders. “human rights watch interviewed several leaders involved in anti-kikuyu violence who said they were merely doing by force what they had been denied a chance to do through the ballot box,” the report states.

    Fm Radio stations were also accused of echoing such words and being used as a platform for inflammatory ethnic rhetoric. “there is no clear evidence that the same stations actively sought to disseminate hate speech, but that did not prevent guests from using the airwaves to do so. Language was usually highly idiomatic, but its meaning was clear to the audience.” the lobby says divisive campaigning did not by itself cause existing ethnic tensions to boil over into violence. But in the days prior to the election, local elders in many communities around eldoret called meetings where they declared that electoral victory for president kibaki would be the signal for “war” against local kikuyu.


  • it is clear the remnants of defeated kanu regime under tutelage of moi and all groups opposed to change and transformation of keny a—Messrs kalonzo,uhuru,ruto and mudavadi are regrouping once again to deny Kenyans chance to have clean break from backward politics of the past by using odinga once again as scapegoat to stop the train of change which has been evident and triggered since 2002 when they were vanquished from mainstream politics of kenya
    it is unto Kenyans to decide and know that these people have never conceived,implemented and agitated for any positive policy in their public life which promoted public good.
    they are known manipulators,excessively greedy,selfish leaders who are mere poor imitators of champions of change.
    we must defeat them once again and remove them from national politics where they keep brief for retrogressive policies of moi.

    KSB: Well said.

  • Dennis mugambi

    ruto is so good and fierce when it comes 2 political influence .

  • what is going on in kenya ?
    knut are blackmailed,intimidated,cheated and now teachers salary is to be deducted,robbed or denied salary but expected to work extension by kamenyi.
    are demoralized ,unpaid teachers worthy of teaching quality education for vision 2030 leave alone laptops for std ones ?
    why cant jubilee be realistic instead of continuing to believe their own sweet promises of success judged by themselves ?
    why is excise duty being introduced on financial services ?
    is this to subsidize some well known banks in Kenya or is it jubilee is short of money for their grandeur tour of Africa and Asia ?
    why are monies for rural electricity,roads, etc being recalled back to Nairobi ?
    why are we being fooled by parties at state house that all is good when evidence is not smelling niece ?
    why is jubilee engaging Kenyans in controversy with controversy ?
    which bills are priority ?
    marriage bill.
    police bill
    who is fooling who in makueni by elections court sagas and ballot papers.?
    the cid saga with owallo ?
    with police recovery of bomb materials but no arrests at bu-stage in nbi ?
    why are social unrest,insecurity,misgiving,despondency being created by jubilee king pins
    why attack isaac ruto and threaten governor for bomet for telling kalenjins to open their eyes beyond jubilee world after seeing the way soosion was mishandled by so called jubilee firefighters ?
    what interest does kambi have in nsssf ?
    kambi is agent of ruto and your guess is to put hands in nsssf money,projects ,land etc
    they did this in yk92 days and looted fund dry.they cant wait to go in again.odongo would have been a hindrance ?
    do you expect atwoli to talk for workers again since he is now jubilee compliant after cheating musalia ?
    uhuruto 1oo days is complete success by any standards and Kenyans can see where they are coming and going.
    who is going to speak for Kenyans?
    havent you heard clearin firms in mombasa will loose out to ugandans and rwandese after kenya was misled and patronised by big brother uganda on icc ?
    this is the prise kenya is paying.
    have you heard of tariff barriers for kenyan goods to the region ?
    despite good talk by jubilee there is nothing on the ground to back their claims of success whichever way you look at it.

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