Will Ambassador Sang Deny Kenyans Jamhuri Day Celebration Party Again in 2015?
There is mounting concern that Ambassador Joseph Sang of the Kenya Stockholm Embassy will once again not host a party to celebrate Kenya’s 52nd Jamhuri [Independence] Day on December 12th 2015. If he does so, Kenyans will miss out as they did in 2014.
Ambassador Sang did not notify Kenyans earlier in 2014 that he would not host the event. In fact, it was the first time ever in the history of the Embassy that this was not done. Moreover, there was no information from the government of Kenya that embassies should stop hosting Independence Day celebrations. Kenyans were therefore left to speculate on what he might have done with the money. Given that he is employed by the rabidly corrupt Jubilee Government, some felt that he had pocketed the reported 400,000Kr that is normally allocated annually for the event. The last entry on the Embassy’s website for an event which hosted Kenyans was Swahili Day, in June 2015. So far, there is no indication that Sang will be throwing a party.
The Twitter-addicted Ambassador Sang has been marketing Kenya vigorously on social media, yet the truth is that the country has gone to the dogs, considering the soaring corruption and chocking commodity prices which the majority poor cannot afford. His overall boss Uhuru Kenyatta has become a tourist who spends billions of taxpayers’ money globetrotting, fetching loans which are crippling Kenya since they are mismanaged, and shall hamper the economic progress of future generations.
In 2013, Uhuru traveled to China for five days with an order of lamb chops, fish, Fanta and ugali worth $80,000 (Ksh7 million) from a Nairobi hotel. His handlers claimed Uhuru’s favorite lamb chops were not available in China. This is the sad reality of being led by insensitive leaders like Uhuru and Sang. They think they are entitled to Kenya’s mali ya umma (public wealth) which they can use according to their personal feelings. They should instead be humble servants of Kenyans.
During their separate visits to Kenya this year, both President Obama and Pope Francis stressed that corruption perpetuates poverty while enriching only a few individuals. Sang must therefore mention to Kenyans why he is denying them Jamhuri Day celebration parties. In Africa, it is only President Magufuli of Tanzania who has banned this year’s Independence Day celebrations, as part of his austerity measures to streamline the economy.
Ambassador Sang pretended to be a man of the people when he was posted to Stockholm in 2013, but with time, he has shown his Apartheid-like nature that favors Kenyans whose tribes lean towards the Jubilee government. Clearly, he is following the Nairobi script, reminiscent of former Dictator Moi’s era of terror in Kenya. It is to Sang’s disadvantage especially on social media, if he keeps showing such traits because he shall be hammered until he reforms. A number of Kenyans have also complained that they are not well-received at the Embassy when they visit for services.
Kenya-Stockholmers are waiting with bated breath to see if Sang will host Jamhuri Day or will once again do us another illegal Magufuli.
Kenya – Corruption
Corruption in Kenya is pervasive and entrenched. Kenya is ranked amongst the world’s most corrupt countries. The 2013 Ibrahim Index of African Governance ranked Kenya 21 out of 52 countries on quality of governance, an improvement of four places from 2012. Transparency International’s 2013 Global Corruption Perception Index ranks Kenya 136 out of 177 countries, a marginal increase from 139 of 176 in 2012. Kenya still ranks third among the five EAC countries, better than Burundi and Uganda. The Corruption Perceptions Index measures the perceived levels of public sector corruption in countries worldwide. Lack of political will, little progress in prosecuting past corruption cases, and the slow pace of reform in key sectors were reasons cited why Kenya is still ranked amongst the 31 lowest-scoring countries.
The Daniel arap Moi dictatorship undertook the systematic destruction of what used to be Africa’s economic showcase from the 1960s through the 1970s. Through craven policies and unprecedented levels of theft of public funds, public land, forests, recreational parks, school playgrounds, and buildings. The authoritative British newsletter Africa Confidential, put Moi’s external bank holdings at US$3billion in 2000. He denied it publicly but insisted that he could not vouch for his siblings who, together with Moi’s supreme confidante Nicholas Biwott had been often linked to major corrupt deals in Kenya.
In the so-called Goldenberg scandal the Moi regime bolted with an estimated $1billion from its own Central Bank (12percent of the nation’s GDP at the time) setting off a spiral of inflation, economic stagnation, unemployment, and rampant crime, a ruined agricultural sector, and decaying public services.
In 1997, the IMF suspended Kenya’s Enhanced Structural Adjustment Program due to the government’s failure to maintain reforms and curb corruption. A severe drought from 1999 to 2000 compounded Kenya’s problems, causing water and energy rationing and reducing agricultural output. As a result, GDP contracted by 0.2% in 2000. The IMF, which had resumed loans in 2000 to help Kenya through the drought, again halted lending in 2001 when the government failed to institute several anticorruption measures. Despite the return of strong rains in 2001, weak commodity prices, endemic corruption, and low investment limited Kenya’s economic growth to 1.2%. Growth lagged at 1.1% in 2002 because of erratic rains, low investor confidence, meager donor support, and political infighting up to the elections. In the key December 2002 elections, Daniel Arap MOI’s 24-year-old reign ended, and a new opposition government took on the formidable economic problems facing the nation.
A 2001 report entitled ‘Initiatives against Corruption in Kenya – Legal and Policy Interventions, 1995-2001’ by the Centre for Law and Research International (CLARION), a non-governmental organization in Kenya, notes indications of “a variance between policy pronouncements and the realities in the body-politic”. According to the report, “exposure of selected political scandals by the government has become more of a public relations gimmick than an in-depth desire by the system to fight corruption”.
The report observed that: “Owing to increased public debate and pressure, coupled with concern from the international community, the Bretton Woods institutions and bilateral donors, the government, notably from 1997, in policy pronouncements at least, showed intentions of undertaking legal and other public policy reforms that would address corruption. The government took several steps towards this end, including the establishment of the Anti-Corruption Squad, the Kenya Anti-Corruption Authority (KACA), and the publication of a number of legislative proposals on corruption. These initiatives or intended initiatives created the impression in the minds of Kenyans that corruption would for the first time be more decisively tackled.”
By 2005 the government was committed at the senior civil servant level to pushing ahead with important institutional and systemic reforms, some of which were beginning to have an impact in terms of closing off avenues used for corrupt activities. But the political leadership remained utterly unwilling to transparently and aggressively root out high-level corruption within its ranks. This lack of will on the part of the leadership in turn threatened further progress on the longer-term institutional front. The old corruption networks may be frozen, but they had yet to be named, shamed, and dismantled. Other reporting indicates they are chomping at the bit to get back into business – when the time is right again.
A 2008 Freedom House report noted that corruption was a serious problem in Kenya, including high-level corruption in government. The report states that: “Corruption continues to be a very serious problem threatening Kenya’s nascent democracy. Political parties, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and the press, as well as some official bodies, have unearthed examples of government corruption and malfeasance. The 2006 report by anticorruption campaigner John Githongo was merely the most serious of a number of credible reports of high-level corruption. Transparency International’s 2007 Corruption Perceptions Index ranked Kenya 150 out of 180 countries surveyed. Respondents to the 2007 Kenya Bribery Index stated that they encountered bribery in 54 percent of their interactions with public and private institutions.”
Corruption is an impediment to FDI. US Transparency International’s Global Corruption Barometer 2013 found the police, the judicial system, the registry and permit service, and the land service to be the country’s most corrupt institutions. Bribes, extortion, and political considerations influenced the outcomes in large numbers of civil cases. Local media reported on allegations of high-level corruption related to energy, airport construction, and infrastructure contracts awarded to foreign firms that allegedly did not comply with public procurement laws.
According to a PriceWaterhouseCoopers (PwC) report, about one in three Kenyan business leaders reported procurement-related fraud in the past two years. Four out of every 10 Kenyan CEOs reported being asked to pay bribes to win a tender or get business. Asset misappropriation remains the most common economic crime in Kenya, affecting 77 per cent of businesses. Accounting fraud affects 38 percent of firms, procurement fraud 31 percent, bribery and corruption 27 percent, and cybercrime 22 percent of firms.
The law provides for criminal penalties for official corruption; however, the previous and current government did not implement these laws effectively, and officials often engaged in corrupt practices with impunity. Despite many scandals no top officials were prosecuted successfully for corruption during the year. The World Bank’s most recent Worldwide Governance Indicators indicated that corruption was a severe problem. Official-level corruption often came in the form of land seizures and conflict of interest in government procurement.
The 2006 Witness Protection Act calls for the protection of witnesses in criminal cases and the creation of the Witness Protection Agency, and it outlines the agency’s powers, functions, and management. The Witness Protection Agency became operational in 2011, first under the Attorney General’s Office but later as an independent agency. Limited funding and technical expertise, inexperienced staff, and a lack of public awareness of its duties hampered the effectiveness of the agency. It also faced the challenge of gaining witnesses’ trust in the agency’s ability to provide them adequate protection. The media and the agency reported that witnesses often recanted their statements, went into hiding, or ultimately refused to testify. The agency suspected witness intimidation. Protection services were most often given to witnesses in organized crime, corruption, 2007 post-election violence, and murder cases.
The law requires that all public officers declare publicly their income, assets, and liabilities every two years. Public officers must also include income, assets, and liabilities of their spouses and dependent children under the age of 18. Officers must declare this information to their responsible commission (e.g., the Parliamentary Service Commission in the case of members of parliament). Information contained in these declarations is not readily available to the public, and requests to obtain and publish this information must be approved by the relevant commission. Any person who publishes or otherwise makes public information contained in public officer declarations without such permission may be subject to five years in prison, a fine of up to KSh 500,000 ($5,780), or both.
The Leadership and Integrity Act of 2012 requires public officers to register potential conflicts of interest with the relevant commissions. The law identifies interests that should be registered, including directorships in public or private companies, remunerated employment, securities holdings, and contracts for supply of goods or services, among others. No public officer declarations of wealth or conflicts of interest were challenged in public, although this information is not publicly available. The law required candidates seeking appointment to public office (nonelective) to declare their wealth, political affiliations, and relationships with other senior public officers. This requirement is in addition to background screening on education, tax compliance, leadership, and integrity, which was generally implemented.
The nature of corrupt business practices makes it difficult to say with any certainty that Chinese firms more readily pay bribes and engage in other corrupt activities as part of their normal business practices in Kenya. The rumor mill places a Chinese firm at the heart of the July 2004 last-minute cancellation of the award for a second landline phone license. As the story goes, when it became clear that the consortium which included both Chinese interests and relatives of President Kibaki would not win the tender, it intervened with Minister of Communications Raphael Tuju (who joined Kibaki on his trip to China) to have the tender cancelled. Tuju never sufficiently explained his actions, and probably exceeded his legal authority in intervening in the tender process. In April 2004, Chinese firm ZPMC won a controversial tender to supply eight gantry cranes worth $20 million to the port of Mombasa. The tender had twice been postponed by Cabinet ministers believed to have interests in companies competing in the tender. The good news, at least, is that ZPMC delivered the cranes as promised.
Such allegations of corruption are difficult to prove, but without the equivalent of the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act, and in the context of pervasive corruption at all levels of Kenyan government and society, it seems inconceivable that Chinese firms don’t contribute actively to the corruption problem in Kenya. Whether they do so more readily than companies from other countries is a matter of debate.
On another level, however, the perception that Chinese firms and the Chinese government are willing to do business in Kenya without any strings attached is widespread, and this undermines in small ways efforts on the part of Western donors and domestic reformers to reduce corruption and improve governance. Government spokesman Alfred Mutua summed up the attitude of some in the GOK when he commented to the press in 2005 : “The Chinese do not peg their economic activity or aid to political conditions…You never hear the Chinese saying that they will not finish a project because the government has not done enough to tackle corruption. If they are going to build a road, then it will be built.”
In early 2006, revelations from investigative reports of two major government-linked corruption scandals rocked Kenya and led to resignations, including three ministers (one of whom was later reappointed). In March 2006, another major scandal was uncovered involving money laundering and tax evasion in the Kenyan banking system. The government’s March 2006 raid on the Standard Group media house conducted by masked Kenyan police was internationally condemned and was met with outrage by Kenya media and civil society. The government did not provide a sufficient explanation. No one has been held accountable.
The Ethics and Anticorruption Commission (EACC), an independent agency, continued to investigate corruption and develop and enforce a code of ethics for public officials. The EACC lacked prosecutorial authority, which remained with the DPP, to bring senior officials to justice. The Leadership and Integrity Bill of 2012, a watered-down version of a previously introduced integrity bill, allowed candidates with pending criminal court cases to run for government office and stripped the EACC of its authority to gather information from government bodies on political candidates. Both the EACC and DPP suffered from capacity constraints to carry out their mandates effectively.
In July 2013, Mumo Matemu was reinstated as the EACC’s chairman, replacing Abdi Ahmed Muhammed, after the Court of Appeals reversed the High Court decision that nullified Matemu’s appointment as chairman in September 2012 amid allegations of financial impropriety during his tenure as commissioner at the Kenya Revenue Authority and legal counsel at the Agricultural Finance Corporation. Although the High Court had criticized the government for failing to investigate accusations against Matemu, the appellate court ruled that evidence against Matemu was insufficient to deny him the chairmanship. Throughout the year key technical staff members, including investigators, left the EACC to pursue other career options, which severely weakened the institution.
According to the government’s Economic Survey for 2013, the number of cases the EACC handled declined by 51 percent, from 7,326 in 2011 to 3,592 in 2012. The number of criminal cases the EACC referred to other investigative agencies dropped from 2,916 in 2011 to 1,486 in 2012. The number of cases the EACC referred to the DPP dropped by 49 percent, from 138 in 2011 to 70 in 2012. Most of these cases involved mid- or low-level officials.
Although police corruption was endemic, authorities rarely arrested and prosecuted officers for corruption. Despite the implementation of significant judicial reforms, corruption persisted throughout all levels of the legal system. Transparency International’s Global Corruption Barometer 2013 found police, the judicial system, registry and permit service, and land service to be the country’s most corrupt institutions. Bribes, extortion, and political considerations influenced the outcomes in large numbers of civil cases. To address corruption in the judiciary, in April 2012 the JSC established the Judges and Magistrates Vetting Board. By December 2012 the board had vetted all 53 judges in office. The process declared 11 judges unfit to continue serving in the judiciary, but the government dismissed only eight.
In January 2013 the National Taxpayers Association released results of a sample audit it conducted in 2012 of 28 constituencies (out of 210) that received money from the national Constituency Development Fund. The association reported the disappearance of KSh 355 million ($4.1 million), a high prevalence of ghost projects, and inflated project costs. The association blamed parliament, the overseer of the fund, of mismanagement. In September 2012 the National Taxpayers Association alleged that as much as KSh 25.77 billion ($298 million), or 30 percent of all public funds allocated to the Constituency Development Fund since its inception in 2003, had been lost due to corruption. The government did not investigate this allegation.
In July 2013 a court accused Nairobi parliamentarian John Njoroge, a former Nairobi deputy mayor, of soliciting a bribe of KSh 150,000 ($1,730) from a contractor to authorize payment of KSh 3.3 million ($38,000) to the contractor for the construction of a secondary school. At year’s end Njoroge was free on bond awaiting trial.
In March 2013 the government indicted former foreign affairs permanent secretary Thuita Mwangi, former charge d’affaires of the embassy in Tokyo Allan Mburu, and the deputy director of administration at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Anthony Mwaniki Muchiri, on allegations of corruption in the 2010 procurement of the chancery and ambassador’s residence in Tokyo. They were released on bail of KSh two million ($23,120).
Local media reported on allegations of high-level corruption related to energy, airport construction, and infrastructure contracts awarded to Chinese firms that allegedly did not comply with public procurement laws.
Corruption investigations were in progress in 2013 at the Nairobi City Council and the Ministries of Education, Water and Irrigation, Roads, Energy, Immigration, Sports and Youth Affairs, Special Programs, and Land. Officials at the National Social Security Fund, National Health Insurance Fund, and National Bureau of Statistics also faced corruption allegations.
In an unprecedented ruling, in June 2013 the High Court ordered Deputy President William Ruto to surrender a 100-acre farm and pay KSh five million ($57,800 ) in compensation to a farmer who sued Ruto for illegally taking his land during the 2007 election violence. In August, Ruto returned the land to the farmer.
The government freed on bail two former government officials convicted of corruption in 2012 while appealing their convictions. Former permanent secretary of the Ministry of Tourism Rebecca Nabutola was found guilty of defrauding the ministry of KSh 8.9 million ($102,900). Former deputy director at the Ministry of Education Enos Magwa was sentenced to three years in jail and fined KSh 3.6 million ($41,600) for his part in the disappearance of KSh 4.2 billion ($48.6 million) meant for free primary education.
Top 10 most corrupt cabinet ministers in Kenya
Posted by Jambo on Tuesday, August 21, 2012
1. Amos Muhinga Kimunya– Transport Minister Amos Kimunya is the most corrupt Minister in the current cabinet. Kimunya, who is also the Kipipiri MP, has topped the list due to some mega scandals which have put him on the spotlight. Among the scandals Kimunya is involved in is Sh 2.8 billion Grand Regency Hotel sacndal, Sh4.6 billion money printing scandal and the Sh 56 billion airport tender scandal.
2. Prof Anyang Nyong’o – The Medical Services Minister Prof Anyang has been on the headlines over the National Hospital Insurance Fund. Nyong’o who is ODM Secretary General has been on the spotlight over mass plundering of billions of shillings belonging to NHIF. It is also alleged that Prof Anyang wired Sh 900 million to his personal accounts in Jersey and Cayman islands. Nyong’o is an MP for Kisumu Rural
3. Otieno Kajwang’ – The Immigration Minister is also on the corruption list. His tender deals on passport and identity cards are questionable. It is alleged that the minister is the god father of the corruption dogma in immigration ministry. Billions of shillings pass on his hands through issuance of illegal passports and citizenship. Kajwang is MP for Mbita.
4. James Orengo – Most of his friends refer to him as Jim, the Land Minister has not been involved in any named scandal but he is a corruption submarine who operates underground behesting corruption. Syokimau and Eastleigh demolitions had his stamp approval. Orengo is MP for Ugenya.
5. Shoita Shitanda – The Housing Minister is also on the corruption boat; recently he was on the spotlight over the illegal allocation of government houses to PS Francis Kimemia and Starehe MP Margaret Wanjiru. Shitanda even went ahead and gave a government houses to his wife and relatives.
6. Moses Wetangula – The Sirisia MP and Trade Minister is also on the top ten list. The Tokyo scandal where the Kenyan taxpayer lost over 1.2 billion is on his shoulders. Wetangula by then was Foreign Affairs minister. His firm was also involved in the Turkana oil saga where he made over a billion.
7. Kiraitu Murungi – The Harvard trained lawyer and Energy Minister has also made it in the list of shame. Kiraitu has been involved in series of scandals from Aglo Leasing to owning cartels in the energy industry most recently is the Turkana oil discovery where he has raked in billions from illegal tendering processes.
8. Dr Paul Otuoma – The shame which we experienced in the just concluded London Olympics was orchestrated by the Sports and Cultural Affairs Minister. Despite his pretence that he is promoting sports activities, the minister has involved himself in a series of scandals which eventually will wipe Kenya as a sporting nation.
9. Joseph Nyaga – the Cooperative Minister is also on the list of shame. Money laundering in KPCU has tainted his tenure as a minister. In the last two years, 205 billion has been laundered by cartels with the stamp of the Cooperative Minister.
10. Prof Sam Ongeri – A key confidante of President Mwai Kibaki, Ongeri who is currently the Foreign affairs minister has weathered a lot of storms, but he has also made it in the list of shame. Ongeri was involved in the massive plunder of billions of shillings meant for free education kitty which jeopardised the free primary education programme.
This list excludes the 4 senior principals of the coalition government: The President, Prime Minister and the 2 Deputy prime Ministers……. It only reflects Ministers.
The Kenyan DAILY POST
Breaking: Uhuru to spend Sh700m for Jamhuri celebrations as Magufuli bans Boxing Day in TZ
December 10, 2015 by Politica
By Jasper Mbaluka
NAIROBI, KENYA The government has set aside a staggering ksh700million for Jamhuri Day celebrations on December 12th. On the other hand, Tanzanian President is contemplating on banning Boxing Day celebrations so as to minimize government spending.
This comes days after the newly elected Tanzanian President Dr. John Pombe Joseph Magufuli cancelled the independence Day celebrations to minimize embezzlement in government.
The Tanzanian President is not only popular for his diligence, but also as the most educated President in competitive academic fields with international accolades.
Just recently, the Tanzanian President with all his knowledge, banned Presidential government funded family expenses to curb unnecessary expenditures on tax payers money.
Ironically, no sooner had Magufuli expurgated his family expenditures, than the flying President carried hid daughter Ngina (a South African Trained tailor by profession) to a World Climate Change Forum in Paris, all at the detriment of tax payers.
According to political pundits, Uhuru has failed to borrow leaf from his Tanzanian counterpart.
Arrest Raila at your own political risk – Ngunyi warns Uhuru
December 10, 2015 by Politica
Controversial political scientist Mutahi Ngunyi has vehemently warned the Jubilee administration against attempting to arrest CORD leader Raila Odinga.
According to Ngunyi who recently went to bed with the Jubilee administration, it will be political suicide for the EACC to purport to arrest the Prime Minister since the brunt will be borne by the President.
Ngunyi was speaking to journalists in his city offie when he warned of possible consequences should the EACC insist on summoning or arresting Mr. Odinga. Being a whistle blower, Raila should be treated with dignity and protection. Someone should advise the President that Raila’s arrest is highly awaited by the international community including the media so as to beautify their headlines to the detriment of his administration.
“I want to proffer my brother Uhuru with some free but paramount pieces advice and caution him that arresting Raila will not be as easy as he and his loyal apparatchiks may think. Raila is a prodigious talented politician”
Raila Odinga is an internationally acclaimed political cognoscente with roots running deep into every nook and cranny of the world. He is not an ordinary politician, he is preternatural. Anyone in his compos mentis will never dream of arresting him must be living in a cloud-cuckoo-land because it’ll attract a very costly price to pay”
“Raila Odinga is a gigantic institution and a Goliath of modern day politics. Here, we are talking of a man with over 5 million ardent followers behind him. The unstinting and untenable support afforded by this tyranny of humans cannot be underestimated whatsoever” Said Ngunyi.
huyu Sang arudi achunge mbuzi huko kwao Mogotio. Mwizi kabisa kama hasemi pesa zimeenda wapi.
Sang must GO!!!! Sang must GO!!!! Sang must GO!!!! Sang must GO!!!! Sang must GO!!!!
Ruto is STUP .I ..D and Big SHAME to Kenyans. He never defend any good thing. SURELY Ruto, Look at this list of this so called Good Performers:
1. Wanini Kireri, the Senior Deputy Commissioner of Prisons, emerged the overall winner.
2. Gichuru Wilson,
3. Denis Chebitwey,
4. Harun Kipkosgei,
6. Francis Muthami and
7. Dr Kisia Ngeiywa.
This tribal and corrupt man called Ruto is sinking Kenya. Only Ruto’s Kin and few Kikuyus are Good workers?
This may cause a go slow in Government. Winini Kireri Sn. Deputy Commissioner getting award and yet men and women fighting Bad people risking their life are not honored!!!
This Jubilee is BS!! Other Kenyan tribes are out of these jobs?
Mama Ngina Kenyatta(Uhuru’s Mother) was forced to intervene and ordered Uhuru her Son to fire Anne Waiguru. Everybody saw how long it has taken President Uhuru Kenyatta to act against Anne Waiguru.
NOTE-Mama Ngina Kenya is Uhuru’s Advisor. Uhuru Kenyatta was bewitched & Kukaliwa Chapati na hili Kibibi Matako armed with Embu/Ndia Mitishamba plus Ukambani – Kiboko Yenyewe. Uhuru Kenyatta was blinded by Anne’s massive buttocks Kipenzi Moyo mpaka Akili Potea. Mpaka Uhuru Kenyatta became confused and their blind love could not be hidden any longer.
Let Us Wakenya thank Mama Ngina for her motherly advice to Kenyatta kijana wake mkubwa! All what we saw inside Waiguru’s Villa/Castle was bought by Uhuru Kenyatta’s stolen loot from Kenyan taxpayers.
Kenyans Must Unite this and Stop Uhuru from robbing Our Nation Let us make this the last Gema-Mafia Impunity and their endless looting of this Nation-Kenya.(Over 150 billions of Eurobond is looted by these Kikuyu Ruling mafia gangs).
Kenya Our fatherland is bleeding and let every patriot stand up ready to lay down his/her live and save our beloved Nation. Enough is enough USA President Obama & Pope challenged the Kenya youth to stand up and stop corruption .Let us lose our lives and die holy rather than seeing a cabal of few greedy and corrupt Kikuyu-Gema & Kamatusa gangs looting our country with impunity!!!
Jamhuri Day at the Kenya Embassy in Madrid in Spain – 2014
Uhuru Kenyatta is a CONMAN – Donald Trump on Uhuru’s trip to Paris with daughter Ngina
December 1, 2015 by Politica
By ALANA ABRAMSON
Just a month after endorsing former Kenyan Prime Minister Raila Odinga for President, Donald Trump has this time expressed his hate for Uhuru regime, terming it ‘A fellowship of con-men’ of con-men.
Speaking to an ABC News pressman after his meeting with black pastors, the GOP said that Uhuru Kenyatta, Kenyan President has failed to lead by example.
“You see I have been right all along. Uhuru Kenyatta is a dangerous conman that cannot be entrusted with the leadership of a country let alone the chairmanship of even a funeral committee. How can this man carry 23 of his relatives to Paris at the detriment of poor Kenyans? How can he take with him his daughter to a forum she has idea about? What does Guinea as – he struggled to mention Ngina – know about climate change? Can she even define the term climate? This man is simply a tourist who loves to holiday around the world. Since he went to the “white House”, he has made more trips to foreign countries compared to his own country. I don’t know Kenya well and I have never stepped foot there but my intelligence tells me that ever since he was elected, Mr. ‘Keniatta’ has never stepped foot in the North Eastern Province. People say that I hate these Africans, no it is the ridiculous things they do that I hate. How do you carry the entire community to a climate Change forum at the expense of poor denizens? Is this not a fellowship of con-men?I hear he sends to jail bloggers from the opposition side and whoever criticizes him. Freedom of Press must be espoused by all leaders including Mr. Keniatta” Answered Mr. Trump as he confirmed he loves Kenya and would one day love to visit.
65 MPs borrow Sh2.6 billion from Parliament, data goes missing 1 of 1 Members of National Assembly.
BY DOMINIC WABALA December 5, 2015
Records of more than 65 MPs who borrowed more than Sh2.6 billion from Parliament are missing. This means the Parliamentary Service Commission may be unable to recover loans. The Ethics and Anti-corruption Commission says lost records cover mortgages and car loans for lawmakers in current and former Parliaments. This was the most shocking revelation of financial problems and mismanagement at the PSC — including payment of salaries to retired lawmakers and payment of sitting and mileage allowances to lawmakers who did not attend meetings or travel to constituencies.
Parliament intends to implement recommendations of the report to clean up the PSC. Details were revealed yesterday when the EACC gave the National Assembly ita report on ‘Financial Management Systems, Policies and Practices of the Parliamentary Service Commission’. It shows out of 162 MPs and PSC staff who took car loans, only 120 log books were being held by KCB Kipande House branch in debtors’ records. There was nothing to show PSC had the remaining 42 log books. Only 615 of 650s could be accounted for and 35 title deeds had not been given to the PSC for safe keeping, as required by regulations on mortgages for Parliament members and staff. EACC attributed the problems to storage in a dusty registry with lack of maintenance.
In another disclosure, the report said the PSC has been paying salaries of retired legislators and spent more than Sh 1.5 billion on domestic travel. The PSC spent the most on hospitality, Sh121 million, and another Sh42.7 million for vehicles that had not been delivered at the time of audit. The PSC does not update payroll promptly, the report said, so names of former MPs were on the payroll at the time of audit. “This loophole can be used to divert public funds through fraudulent payment of salaries and allowances,” the report says. It also showed that some committee members have been signing sitting allowances for other members during committee meetings.
The falsified lists are used to compute allowances. MPs regularly claim travel allowances to their constituencies every weekend, when travels cannot be confirmed. In some cases, MPs claim constituency travel allowances when then are travelling outside the country, collecting other allowances. The EACC found an MP’s mileage claim for August 22, 2014, to August 24, yet the lawmaker was in Australia for a conference from August 19-25. The PSC has pending bills of Sh248.1 million at close of the 2013-14 financial year. The anti-graft commission CEO Halakhe Waqo said investigations are underway. – See more at: http://www.the-star.co.ke/news/65-mps-borrow-sh26-billion-parliament-data-goes-missing#sthash.pf7wO8Wm.lA2iQ2Wd.dpuf
Daniel Holtzclaw verdict is found guilty on 18 of the 36 charges he faced of rape,sexual assault, sexual battery and forced sodomy. The former police officer turned Rapist convicted by An all-white jury in trial. A jury found former Oklahoma City officer Daniel Holtzclaw guilty Thursday of some of the most serious charges against him, including sexual battery, forcible oral sodomy and rape. Holtzclaw faced a total of 36 counts. He was found guilty on 18. The former officer cried openly in the courtroom and rocked in his chair as the verdict was being read. Jurors had deliberated for more than 40 hours over four days. His trial touched upon the explosive intersection of race, policing and justice in America. Holtzclaw, whose father is white and mother Japanese, was accused of assaulting or raping 13 women, all black, while he was on the job. Court records identify his race as “Asian or Pacific Islander.” The jury was all-white, composed of eight men and four women. These racial dimensions energized civil rights and women activists to draw attention to the case. Before the verdict was read, Oklahoma City NAACP President Garland Pruitt had said he was concerned about the jury in the case, he told CNN affiliate KOCO. “We’re very disappointed, very, very disappointed, that we don’t have any minorities on there,” Pruitt said. “We’re not saying justice can’t prevail, but we can be suspicious of it being (run) in a manner.” Benjamin Crump, president of the National Bar Association, was also monitoring the case. He represented the families of Trayvon Martin and Michael Brown. Martin, a black teenager, was fatally shot by George Zimmerman, who was acquitted of charges in 2013. Brown was killed by an officer in Ferguson, Missouri, in 2014. “We will be here to make sure that this is not swept under the rug,” Crump told reporters after attending a portion of the trial last month. “We come here to stand with these 13 victims of rape, who happen to be African-American women, to say that their lives matter, too.”
December 11, 2015
Author, Blogger, Manufacturing Executive
Corruption in Kenya: Fool Me Once… Fool Me Twice… Fool Me Three Times, Hakuna Matata!
Posted: 12/10/2015 3:43 pm EST
President Uhuru Kenyatta’s latest announcement regarding the fight against corruption is yet another act in what has become a bi-annual Kabuki Dance on the issue.
Shortly after the president’s November 2015 announcement, Mr. Muriithi, a writer for the Daily Nation penned a piece whose title claimed (that) “Kenyans in Diaspora Welcome(d) President Uhuru Kenyatta’s Renewed War on Graft”. In the article, approximately ten (10) people, presumably Kenyans in the diaspora, took to social media to express their sentiments re: the president’s latest pronouncement on corruption.
The British High Commissioner to Kenya was also one of those who “welcomed” the former colony’s efforts on the kleptocracy that has only gotten worse since the Union Jack was lowered and the sun set on Britain’s reign over Kenya. Said Commissioner Christian Turner:
“…the bold move by President Kenyatta was exactly what the country needed to make the next strides in development.”
For the record, the ten people cited by Mr. Muriithi were evenly split between those who “welcomed” the president’s latest efforts against corruption and those like me who were less than sanguine. That being the case, a more accurate heading would have acknowledged the split and since the writer cited me in his article, I feel compelled to respond.
Almost two years ago in February 2014, President Kenyatta launched a crackdown against corrupt officials — some working inside HIS own Office of the President (OP). A year after that, I wrote the piece “Presidential Displeasure at the Pace of Kenya’s War on Graft, for the Umpteenth Time” where I pointed out that Mr. Kenyatta had set an “unsavory” tone and precedent by making repeated pronouncements about his “displeasure” with the level of (and pace of the fight against) corruption in Kenya even though he appeared to be doing very little to deal with either. The president’s impotence on corruption was underscored by his acknowledgement that graft was being perpetrated by members of his staff!
In August 2014 I wrote another piece titled “Another Round of Missing Billions and the Deafening Silence of WaKenya Halisi”; also on corruption in Kenyatta’s government. The piece was prompted by yet another obscene amount of money — KShs.8.3billion — that was “suspiciously transferred into and out of the government’s secret security accounts”.
Early this year in March, President Kenyatta again made another passionate and articulate speech about graft, again in his administration! Standing before Members of Parliament (MPs) and reading from the “List of Shame”, the president asked members of his cabinet implicated in graft to step aside until they cleared their names: Given the obfuscation Kenya’s presidents are notorious for, especially on matters of official corruption, I won’t even deign to offer how many on the list have been prosecuted, let alone convicted.
Anne Waiguru, the erstwhile Cabinet Secretary for the Department of Devolution and Planning came to symbolize the sleaze and impunity of persons close to President Uhuru Kenyatta. The president lost all credibility on the fight against corruption when he inexplicably dithered, equivocated and stood by Ms. Waiguru even after it became apparent to all save partisans and sycophants that she was responsible for the cesspool of corruption that was the department she headed, her claims of being the “whistleblower” notwithstanding.
Now we have Mr. Kenyatta asking Pope Francis to “pray” for him as “he leads the nation in the war on the corruption plague…” The president asked for papal intercession shortly after he had refused to intercede as the scandal over another round of missing millions (KShs. 791million) — this time from the National Youth Service (NYS) coffers — thundered on.
Talk about lousy timing if not outright chutzpah!
Given the examples documented above AND the fact that both the president AND his deputy William Ruto have been implicated in high crimes and misdemeanor of their own, I cannot fathom how Kenyans can “welcome” the “efforts” of a president who according to Caroline Mutoko has demonstrated inconsistency, bias and indecisiveness in his stewardship of the country — including fighting corruption.
The claim that the president’s critics “offer no solutions” was given some credibility by US President Barack Obama when he praised President Kenyatta’s efforts on corruption while accusing the opposition of “doublespeak”. Kenyans then latched on to Ms. Mutoko’s self-serving, inconsistent and confusing “UK-is-the-devil-you-know” argument: That Raila Odinga is not a viable alternative to Mr. Kenyatta because he — RAO — “churns” the stomach of Kenyans — whatever that means.
The recent presidential appointee to Kenya Institute of Mass Communication (KIMC) wrote that Kenyatta’s nemesis does not have the answers to what ails Kenya because he is “unfocused…dazzled by his own voice and words…and better suited as a member of the opposition”. “Caro” then offers the rather curious assessment of Mr. Kenyatta: That he is “indecisive, paralyzed and uninspiring…” Supporting Ms. Mutoko’s assessment of UK is none other than Mutahi Ngunyi who characterized the president as a “political greenhorn…surrounded by people driven by self-interest.”.
This is the link to my rebuttal of the rather interesting if not downright awkward argument offered by Ms. Mutoko. God knows how many times the Opposition has asked for a dialogue with President Uhuru Kenyatta.
If the many prayer rallies the president has attended have not ridded Kenya of corruption, I doubt that the Pope’s once-in-a-lifetime prayer request will do so. On the other hand, unwavering political will AND a critical mass of public support may just do the trick.
Using language only he can muster, Pope Francis asked Kenyans “not to develop a taste for ‘that sugar that is corruption’ even if people around them engage in the vice.”
On tribalism, the Pope cautioned Kenyans that their favorite pastime “can destroy (the country), it can mean having your hands hidden behind your back. It can only be curbed with your ear and your heart.”
Kenya’s presidential elections are just round the corner.
Will Kenyans heed their “ears and hearts” and reject leaders who have developed a “…..taste for the sweetness that is corruption” or will they return their “sons” and “daughters” — those with the sweet tooth of corruption — back to power so that they may continue to award “themselves (and their people) the playgrounds of the children’s schools”?
Of course being corrupt Sang could not offer Kenyans anything and instead as usual had a party for his white bosses that he has to please for the sake of his inferiority complex. Mta do??? Sang like his King Uhuru will never listen to Kenyans in Stockholm.
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