Uhuru Kenyatta’s Capitalist Background Undermines His Empty Attacks on Imperialism
President Uhuru Kenyatta’s continuous attacks on the Western world exhibit utter hypocrisy because his upbringing and current lifestyle reflect extreme capitalism. From Kindergarten to high school in Kenya, and later to Amherst University in the United States, Uhuru’s educational training was Western-based. His wife’s mother is a White German, while his family-owned bank, the Commercial Bank of Africa (CBA), was “bought” from Americans. His key speeches are delivered via teleprompters like President Obama’s, and when he appeared on the Churchill Live talk show two years ago, he said his best band was UB40, a British reggae/pop group. The lead counsel for his ICC case is a White British and in 2012, he hired the London-based BTP Advisers for his presidential campaign publicity. His private residence is along the affluent Dennis Pritt road in Nairobi, a stone’s throw away from State House, and his children do not study in public schools. His father Jomo Kenyatta, lived in Englandand married an Englishwoman called Edna Clarke, who bore him a son named Peter Magana Kenyatta in 1943. Therefore, he is “black on the outside but white on the inside” and should stop preaching to Kenyans about imperialism.
In his 2005 treatise titled ‘Colonialism-Imperialism Paradigm is Kaput’, Ghanaian economist Dr. George Ayittey distinguishes between “The Externalists” (those who blame Africa’s woes on external factors like colonialism-imperialism, etc.) and “The Internalists” (the new generation who blame African leaders). “Internalists are the new and angry generation of Africans, who are fed up with African leaders who refuse to take responsibility for their own failures and, instead use colonialism and other external factors as convenient alibis to conceal their own incompetence and mismanagement. Internalists believe that, while external factors have played a role, internal factors have been far more significant in causing Africa’s crises. This school of thought maintains that while it is true Western colonialism and imperialism did harm Africa and continues to do so, Africa’s condition has been made immeasurably worse by such internal factors as misguided leadership, misgovernance, systemic corruption, capital flight, economic mismanagement, declining investment, collapsed infrastructure, decayed institutions, senseless civil wars, political tyranny, flagrant violations of human rights, and military vandalism. In fact, one can identify a whole lot of them but these will suffice.”
Massive stolen wealth of the Kenyattas
In 2011, Forbes magazine described Uhuru Kenyatta as “heir to some of the largest land holdings in Kenya. He owns at least 500,000 acres of prime land spread across the country.” There is no record showing that his father Jomo Kenyatta, was wealthy before becoming the president of Kenya. In his article titled: ‘Kenyatta’s Plot to Settle Kikuyus in Tanzania’ (Business Daily November 9, 2009), investigative journalist John Kamau revealed that 25 days after Jomo was sworn in as Kenya’s Prime Minister on June 26, 1963, his government began discussions to resettle hundreds of landless Kikuyus “into tsetse fly-infested Mpanda Settlement Scheme in Rukwa region of Tanzania.” Kamau adds that: “Kenya was to pay the Julius Nyerere’a government some 30 pounds for each family and had already set aside a budget of 6,000 pounds for the exercise.” Nevertheless, many Kikuyu families refused the offer and even those who had been “exiled” returned to Kenya in protest. No wonder the Kenyatta family sits on large tracts of land the size of Nyanza area.
Uhuru’s mother was recently mentioned by Ventures magazine as one of the three female dollar-billionaires in Africa. “Mama Ngina Kenyatta is worth Sh86 billion ($1 billion); spread in real estate, banking and hospitality sectors and is among the three women that made it to the Africa’s billionaire club. She presides over Kenyatta family’s vast business empire, associated with well-known commercial brands and blue chip companies. This includes Commercial Bank of Africa (CBA), Brookside Dairy, and the upmarket and chic hotel chain, Heritage Hotels East Africa. The family is also linked to Media Max Company, which owns K24 TV, Kameme Radio and The People newspaper. It also owns thousands of acres of prime land across Kenya that was acquired by the late President Kenyatta in the ‘60s and ‘70s under a settlement transfer fund scheme that allowed government officials acquire land from the British cheap prices.” The Kenyattas own some of the top-listed companies at the Nairobi Securities Exchange, thanks to the alleged 10% acquisition by Jomo Kenyatta in all foreign companies that invested in Kenya during his leadership. Jomo Kenyatta, Mobutu Sese Seko of then-Zaire and Omar Bongo of Gabon, were among some of Africa’s ruthless capitalists who acquired wealth through massive corruption.
What does Uhuru stand for apart from being a capitalist whose stay in power is to protect his family’s massive wealth? He has no record of participation in any liberation struggles since he belongs to everything considered as “politically incorrect” i.e. inheriting illegally acquired wealth, and being the second sitting president to be indicted by the ICC. On Mashujaa (Heroes) Day on October 20th 2013, he mentioned that: “Already, we have made important strides in this regard through equitable appointments in the Cabinet and Public service.”
However, since his deputy and fellow indictee William Ruto began his trial in The Hague, the following Kikuyus have been appointed to various jobs in the Public service: 1. Nancy Gitau – Chief Political Advisor; 2. Joseph Kinyua – Chief of Staff and Head of the Civil Service; 3. Arthur Igeria – Head of the Nairobi Centre for International Arbitration Board; 4. Mutahi Ngunyi – Senior Political Advisor 5. John Mututho – Chairman NACADA; 6. Lee Kinyanjui – Chairman National Transport Authority.7. Kiragu wa Magonchi – Chairman Teachers’ Service Commission (Uhuru’s nominee).
Further, it was reported that a committee appointed by Uhuru to investigate whether to repatriate Somali refugees in Daadab and Kakuma camps following the Westgate attack, consists of Kikuyus with only one Kalenjin. They are: 1. Daniel Njuguna Waireri-Chairman; 2. Joyce Wanja Mburu-Vice Chairperson; 3. Wamuyu Wang’undu; 4. Gladys Njoki Muhia; 5. Nyokabi Githiura; 6. Charles Karanja; 7. Elizabeth Nyaguthi; 8. Stephen Kiraithe; 9. Athanas Gichuki Mwathe; 10. Christine Agatha Waitherero; 11. Hosea Kimkung Maiyo (Kalenjin); 12. Dr. Githinji Wamwoka; 13. James Lee Mukora. The Kenyan Constitution states that public appointments should consider regional and gender balance, yet Uhuru’s appointments favour Kikuyus generally.
Lies about IDP Resettlement
“We have also resettled all internally displaced persons and are doing all we can to enable them integrate back into society” said Uhuru. Shockingly, a few days ago, more than 70 Kikuyu families returned to the Mai Mahiu IDP camps in Naivasha because they had been resettled in an area without infrastructure such as schools, roads, hospitals or trading centers. “Addressing the press in Mai Mahiu, the IDPs from Amani, Vumilia Narok and Maono camps said that the Government was eager to get rid of them. According to Julia Njeri, they were transported to the area in June 2013 and left in the wilderness. The mother of four said that officers from the Department of Special Programmes never delivered the construction materials they had promised to issue.” And this is happening to Kikuyus under a Kikuyu President. What about the non-Kikuyus in non-Jubilee areas?
According to Chritina Nyström in ‘KENYA: The Party System from 1963-2000’: “The Kenya of today is marked by increased tension between ethnic groups. Tension that goes back to the days when Jomo Kenyatta was president (1964-1978) and the Kikuyu dominated Kenyan politics. The extent of Kikuyu domination came to alienate the Luo and other ethnic groups within the country. (Tordoff, 1997: 86-7) The Kikuyu is the largest ethnic group in Kenya, followed in size by Luhya, Luo, Kamba, Kalenjin and a host of other smaller ethnic groups. (KHRC, 1998: 11) In Kenya, “Democratization has resulted in reaffirmation of ethnic identities, with political parties emerging along ethnoregional criteria rather than ideological ones.” (Bratton and van de Walle, 1997: 239).”