IEBC officials are doctoring documents right now at Kenyatta University Business Centre, underground floor, room 014. The door is written ” Out of bound”. Lots of ballot boxes are in the room.
Let them be informed that those ballot boxes will not leave that place. We are watching them. Kindly spread this word widely. The media will not report it.
About the Author
http://www.nytimes.com/2013/03/15/opinion/a-dictators-last-laugh.html?emc=eta1&buffer_share=835dc&utm_source=buffer&_r=2&
Why are they (AGENTS OF RULING DEVILS) doctoring Votes at Nairobi University Where One of the Most African Respected Writer NGUGI WA THIONGO WAS lecuring .The only remaining Kikuyu of Integrity (Wathiongo) deserves every respect from those who love Justice freedom and democracy > Proffessor Ngugi is right when he comments something Kenya so called Intellectuals (elites) and to both local and foreign journalist faile to tell the People of Kenya is that this time they Voted Daniel Toroitich Arap Moi back to Power><<<<<<<<bongos,Voted Moi back You gonna cry blood!
now we dnt know who to trust .God help us
KSB: Now that you don’t know who to trust, trust RAO.
May God help us because the times smell bad.
Wezi washikwe!why do they claim@jubilee ni wengi kumbe wanaiba.hawa KK ni mbuzi sana!
A Kenyatta is back in charge
A coalition led by the Kikuyu, the country’s richest and biggest ethnic group, has brought the son of Kenya’s first president to power. But courts may challenge him
Mar 16th 2013 | NAIROBI
BY NARROWLY crossing the threshold that requires a first-round winner to get more than 50% of the vote, Uhuru Kenyatta is set to be Kenya’s next president. Of the 12.3m votes cast, he got just 8,000 more than were needed. But the contest is not quite over. Raila Odinga, the prime minister, Mr Kenyatta’s chief opponent, who got 43%, has complained of “rampant illegality”. The supreme court will decide whether Mr Kenyatta can be inaugurated on March 26th or whether the election must be rerun or go to a second round.
So far a fragile peace has held. Mr Odinga told supporters not to protest in public for fear of sparking communal violence. Riots in early 2008 following the last election, at the end of 2007, which was bitterly disputed, left at least 1,300 people dead. No one wants a repetition.
The court must now, for a start, investigate why the count took longer than expected. The result was not declared for a full five days. The reason may be more innocent than Mr Odinga’s friends claim. A high-tech voting system was a messy failure. Biometric voter-identification kits proved useless, because polling stations in schools had no power sockets. Backup batteries, where provided, ran out halfway through polling day, leaving clerks to scan paper registers. Furthermore, an electronic system for tallying votes that was meant to supply provisional results from all 291 constituencies broke down within hours. A simple database error was later blamed. After the system crashed, many election officers went by helicopter to Nairobi, the capital, for a manual count.
The mess should have been avoidable. The Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC) had a big budget—$226m or $16 per voter, in part from Western governments—to run the poll. In America the cost per voter is less than a dollar; Uganda spends $4, Ghana 70 cents.
To the commission’s and Kenya’s credit, the election and its aftermath, even since Mr Odinga began to complain, have been broadly peaceful. Most Western diplomats ascribe the errors at the commission to “cock-up, not conspiracy”. Some embassies, however, have been accused of a reluctance to criticise an organisation that they had funded. Kenya’s normally feisty media have been supine after their owners agreed to avoid coverage that might incite ethnic passions. In place of analysis, television stations broadcast pre-recorded messages urging peace.
The Coalition for Reform and Democracy, known as CORD, Mr Odinga’s electoral alliance and a handful of civil-society activists have complained that the election commission’s sums seem off. Monitors found that, whereas 12.3m votes were cast for president, only 10.6m were recorded for the 47 governors—though ballots in both races were cast at the same time.
Activists also point out that election officials evicted observers from the tallying centre a day into the count. The commission said party agents were getting in the way of the count. Yet independent poll monitors, including representatives for the Carter Center, an American institute that monitors human rights, were chucked out, too. Maina Kiai, a former head of Kenya’s National Human Rights Commission, criticised what he called a “peace at all cost” agenda, which may have drawn attention away from vote-tampering. “The IEBC failed so remarkably it cannot be a cock-up,” he asserted.
In any event, many Kenyans trust that the supreme court will rule fairly on the matter. The chief justice, Willy Mutunga, is viewed as his own man. Along with a panel of five other judges he will decide whether Kenyans need to vote again.
Even if they do, the same result is likely. Mr Odinga’s backers have probably run out of money, whereas Mr Kenyatta’s Jubilee Alliance has deep pockets. Analysis of the vote suggests that Mr Kenyatta’s ethnic coalition, mainly made up of the Kikuyu and Kalenjin tribes, outnumbers the assorted opposition. Idealists who hoped Kenyans would vote on the basis of policy and personality, irrespective of tribal loyalty, were disappointed. Peter Kenneth and Martha Karua, two worthy contestants who tried to appeal beyond tribe, got less than 1% between them.
Mr Kenyatta is already looking past the supreme court in Nairobi to the International Criminal Court (ICC) at The Hague, where he faces trial on charges of crimes against humanity in connection with the violence after the last election. His chances of escaping prosecution have improved since polling day. First, the ICC met his defence team’s request to delay the trial until July 9th. Then charges against a co-accused, Francis Muthaura, the former head of the civil service, were dropped after a key witness for the prosecution withdrew.
The ICC’s chief prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, has complained that several witnesses have died or are now “too afraid” to testify. The case against Mr Kenyatta will, she says, go ahead. It comes in two parts: he has been accused of encouraging police attacks on opposition supporters and of co-operating with a gang responsible for deadly reprisals. With the civil service head exonerated, the first charge looks harder to make stick. Mr Kenyatta has denied all the charges. His friends are increasingly confident he will be acquitted. Jendayi Frazer, America’s top Africa official until 2009, summed up what many observers were thinking when she said that the “case against him is close to collapse”.
The prosecution sounds more hopeful that it will nail William Ruto, his running mate, for allegedly stirring up the Kalenjin after the same election. The case against him is now expected to open in late May.
Though post-electoral peace is holding for the moment, tribal politics in Kenya remains a tortuous and volatile business. It remains to be seen whether Mr Kenyatta can bring all Kenyans together.
http://www.economist.com/news/middle-east-and-africa/21573592-coalition-led-kikuyu-countrys-richest-and-biggest-ethnic-group-has
Uhuru Kenyatta
A chip off the old Kikuyu block
Uhuru Kenyatta must convince Kenyans that he is his own man
Mar 16th 2013
A NOVELTY of Kenya’s first televised presidential debate was the sight of awkward questions being put to Uhuru Kenyatta. How would he run the country from the dock at the International Criminal Court in The Hague, where he faces a charge of crimes against humanity perpetrated during the previous election? And just how much land did he own? In the calm transatlantic tones acquired at Amherst, a private college in America, he said he would use video-conferencing if necessary and that he was not quite sure of the extent of his acres. Despite such vague replies, most opinion polls said that his performance in the debate gave him a modest lift.
A son of Kenya’s first president, Jomo Kenyatta, he has been on the national stage since early childhood. But until this election he was best known for his famous name and the fabulous wealth acquired by his father. He has featured on lists of the richest Africans. His family owns half a million acres, says the Kenya Land Alliance, a pressure group. It also has interests in banking, property, hotels, an airline and a television network. This wealth provided for a fleet of helicopters that criss-crossed Kenya, enabling the candidate to address crowds in the red T-shirts and caps that display loyalty to Mr Kenyatta’s new party.
The business elite of his father’s community, widely known as the “Kikuyu establishment”, had at first planned for a different president, Musalia Mudavadi, a long-serving Luhya who was to run for president with support of the Kikuyus, on the understanding that he would protect their interests and keep the seat warm for Mr Kenyatta in 2018. But last year Mr Kenyatta broke ranks with those wise old men, formed his own party, and together with William Ruto, a fellow ICC indictee who champions the Kalenjin group, decided to run for the top job. “He didn’t trust anyone else to protect him,” says a family friend.
In the past, well-off Nairobi people told of running into Mr Kenyatta in nightspots around the capital. He was known in his mother tongue as “Kamwana”, young man. But during the campaign he broke with a reputation for being lazy, angrily rejecting the charges against him as an affront to Kenyan sovereignty.
He had run for president before, but only after being handpicked as successor to Kenya’s strongman, Daniel arap Moi, in a multiparty election in 2002. He lost that race to his godfather, Mwai Kibaki, now the outgoing president.
He then served under Mr Kibaki in various posts, including as finance minister, earning a reputation for headline-grabbing initiatives that often failed. He ordered Kenya’s legion of government ministers to surrender their Mercedes cars for more modest brands. But after a handful of auctions most senior officials climbed back into their limos.
Mr Kenyatta was at it again on the eve of this election, saying his first priority in office would be a solar-powered laptop for every Kenyan child. As the court wrangles ahead of his swearing in, millions of children may have a long wait.
http://www.economist.com/news/middle-east-and-africa/21573596-uhuru-kenyatta-must-convince-kenyans-he-his-own-man-chip-old