Switzerland warns of “consequences” if ICC suspects are elected to Office
France has said it supports the International Criminal Court (ICC) process in Kenya and will only have ‘essential contact’ with Uhuru Kenyatta if he is elected president. France ambassador to Kenya Etienne de Poncins, however, maintained that Kenyans have a right to elect leaders of their own choice in the March 4 General Election.
“Our position is that we only have essential contact with somebody who is indicted by the ICC; it is a well-known position, same as that of the British,” the envoy said in Kisumu during the launch of the 2013 edition of the annual French Film Festival at the newly-opened Alliance Francais offices in Milimani estate.
Mr Poncins said Paris will act according to the dictates of the Rome Statute because it is a signatory. “We are supportive of the ICC and are members of the Rome Statute. Our policy is to limit contact only to the essentials. There is no surprise in that; it is a long-standing position,” Mr Poncins said.
At the same time, Switzerland joined the growing chorus warning of consequences if Mr Kenyatta is elected president. The Swiss ambassador to Kenya Jacques Pittloud maintained that while Kenyans have the freedom of choice in electing their leaders, the ICC process could not be wished away.
“The question is not who will be elected but whether Kenya will keep abiding by its obligations under the Rome Statute, a full co-operation with the ICC. If not, Switzerland will have no choice but to act according to its obligations under international law,” Mr Pittlous told the Nation on phone.
Already, the US and Britain have made their positions known on the issue, which has captured Kenyans imagination following a televised video message by US President Barack Obama on the Kenyan elections. The latest move comes hours after the government said it will seek clarification from the US on its position post-March 4.
Mr Kenyatta, who is seeking the presidency on a Jubilee Alliance ticket and his running mate William Ruto are facing charges of crimes against humanity at the ICC. The charges stem from the 2007/2008 post election violence in which 1,133 people were killed and 650,000 displaced from their homes.
Mr Kenyatta, Mr Ruto, former head of civil service Francis Muthaura and former radio presenter Joshua arap Sang are accused of bearing the greatest responsibility for the violence that followed a disputed presidential election. The ICC trials are set to begin in April 10.
Additional reporting by Aggrey Mutambo
About the Author
Threats Of Sanctions Over Uhuru Presidency Are Real
Tuesday, January 29, 2013 – 00:00 — BY HASSAN OLE NAADO
The head of media relations at Deputy Prime Minister Uhuru Kenyatta’s presidential campaign, Macharia Murigi, wrote a thought-provoking opinion piece recently in one of the daily newspapers under the headline; Prophets of Doom: “The West can’t afford to sanction Kenya.”
The gist of Mr Murigi’s argument is that Western economic powers, notably America and Britain, no longer have the necessary weight to throw around to cajole developing countries into toeing the line as far as certain geopolitical issues are concerned.
The balance of power, Murigi argues, has shifted eastwards where countries like China are now calling the shots, thus affording poor countries new developing partners. In this regard, Murigi goes ahead to say that Kenyans have nothing to fear if they elected Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto at the forthcoming polls.
If Western powers feel they cannot work with Kenya because these two leaders are facing crimes against humanity charges at the ICC, Kenya could as well work with other countries like China and still remain afloat economically.
A number of Western diplomats have warned that, in the interest of democracy and good governance, there will be severe consequences should Uhuru and Ruto be elected while they still face trial at the ICC.
According to these diplomats, the values espoused by their societies do not permit their governments to associate with countries whose leaders are accused of such crimes.
Although the Western diplomats have not specified the severe consequences Kenya could face, Murigi speculates that their governments will slap Kenya with economic sanctions as punishment for electing Uhuru and Ruto.
But the author still thinks that Western governments cannot afford to go the sanctions way because the recent economic meltdown they suffered left them so disparate that they cannot risk imposing sanctions on Kenya because that would hurt their investments in the country.
Therefore, Murigi argues that Western countries need Kenya more than Kenya needs them—they will just have to accept a Uhuru/Ruto presidency come-what-may.
But this argument, persuasive as it may appear on face value, is naïve, simplistic and misleading. By arguing that Kenya can simply turn to China if Western countries refuse to do business with it, Murigi seems not to know how international commerce operates.
First and foremost, he seems to forget that China’s international trade heavily relies on American and European Union financial institutions. For example, even if Kenya were to trade with China, they would need U.S. dollars in order to complete transactions.
Despite its robust economy, China does not trade with other countries using its local currency, the Yuan— it trades in American dollars and that is why Beijing has the largest dollar reserves in the world today.
But even with this massive dollar reserves, China always prays that Western financial markets remain stable because the value of their dollar reserves depends on them.
In any case, if shunning the West by shifting to China was a reliable and better option for any developing country, then Zimbabwe’s economy would not be in shambles. Mugabe’s regime thought it could depend on China after it was slapped with sanctions.
But the China option has not helped Zimbabwe in any way because the sanctions have limited its capacity to access the dollar.
Iran, which is the fourth-largest producer and exporter of petroleum and the brainchild of OPEC, is today feeling the pinch of economic sanctions slapped on them by Western powers.
Despite over 80 percent of Iran’s international trade being with Asian powerhouses like India and China, the country is today crippled because it cannot access payments made for its petroleum exports.
Why? — Because those payments, whether made by China or India, must be in U.S. dollars, and must be wired through international banking institutions owned by Western countries.
Hence, if Western countries slapped sanctions on Kenya, it would include sanctions on the country’s ability to access dollars— meaning that even trade with China or any other alternative development partner would not be possible.
Above all, Murigi must be assumed to know that despite the robust status of the Chinese and Indian economies, these countries cannot give Kenya everything. For example, despite their economic might, Chinese airlines themselves still fly the Boeings and Airbuses of this world.
If sanctions were slapped on Kenya, the national career, Kenya Airways, cannot pretend that it would go to China or India to buy aircraft or spare parts for their fleet.
For these reasons, Kenyans must not be misled by Murigi’s article about what options they have if Uhuru and Ruto are elected. The threat by Western powers must be taken seriously and should not be underestimated by short-sighted analysts.
Be that as it may, Murigi’s argument has also attempted to portray China as a country that does not recognize the authority of the ICC, and that’s why he thinks that Beijing will continue working with a Uhuru/Ruto government, the ICC charges notwithstanding.
But this is a very erroneous perception of China. It is important to know that despite not being a signatory to the Rome Statute, which established the ICC, China, like the United States, has been very supportive of the ICC.
Several high-ranking officials of the Chinese government visited The Hague last year where they held fruitful discussions with the President of the Court and reaffirmed Beijing’s respect for the Court’s authority. In this regard, Kenyans should not be misled into thinking that China will tolerate a leadership in Kenya that defies the ICC.
Many Kenyans have been misled into thinking that the new road infrastructures like Thika Superhighway are Chinese goodies to Kenya. But it is important for Kenyans to know that construction of Thika Superhighway was largely funded by the African Development Bank, not the Chinese government.
Shareholders of the African Development Bank are largely American, European and Middle East investors. The design of the superhighway was done by an Indian company while Chinese companies won the tender to do the construction.
The reason Chinese companies were awarded the tender is not only because they are capable, but also because the leadership in Beijing has committed itself to respect and espouse the values of the international community on good governance, integrity and respect for rule of law.
In this regard, Kenyans should not be misled into thinking that they can just elect Uhuru and Ruto and get away with it— then expect to be embraced by China, India or Indonesia as an alternative to Western economic support.
The writer is the Deputy Secretary General of the Supreme Council of Kenya Muslims and Secretary General of the Muslim Leaders Forum.
Watch Karen Allen’s full report on Newsnight at 2230 GMT on Friday 8 February 2013, then afterwards on the BBC iPlayer and Newsnight website.
8 February 2013
Claims of witnesses in Kenya ICC trial ‘disappearing’
As Kenya prepares for elections on 4 March and a month later a historic trial at The Hague over the violence that followed the disputed 2007 elections, the BBC’s Karen Allen has heard powerful testimony about alleged disappearances of potential witnesses.
Jane Waruguru’s husband was among those allegedly present at key meetings which form part of the prosecution case at the International Criminal Court.
Those meetings – allegedly hatched at State House in 2007 and 2008 – involved a criminal gang called the Mungiki. Jane’s husband, Maina Diambo, was their second in command at the time.
“I saw big, large amounts of money,” she recalls. “One day I came and I saw him washing guns and I was not used to seeing those things in my house.”
‘Tormented’
His erratic behaviour, his coming and going, aroused her suspicions, but she says she knew her “place” as a wife and her husband gave little away.
“I used to ask him: ‘What is going on?’ He told me: “You just shut up you wait… if you want to eat well, stay well, you just let me work.”
It is alleged that the Mungiki gang was hired by senior figures in government, to execute a counter-offensive in the towns of Nakuru and Naivasha in early 2008.
Their mission was to avenge the first wave of attacks that had targeted members of President Mwai Kibaki’s Kikuyu community, after disputed polls triggered inter ethnic-violence on an unprecedented scale.
But once the “job” given to Diambo’s men had been completed, Jane sensed something was up.
Her husband was coming and going from their home, keeping strange hours, being collected in different cars. He was clearly agitated by it all, telling her: “I have done some things, they are tormenting my mind, and you are just asking me questions.”
Diambo disappeared a month later. He is now presumed dead. A man who claims to be one of the last who spoke to him alleges he was due to collect cash at a meeting spot in Nairobi when he went missing.
Dozens missing
It is hard to independently verify Jane’s extraordinary claims, but she is among dozens of women whose husbands have just vanished.
Paul Muite, a lawyer who represents many of these women, claims Diambo’s disappearance matches those of other missing men:
“Each one of them was involved in the post-election violence in Naivasha and Nakuru… they all disappeared without trace,” he says. He claims the disappearances bear “all the hallmarks of an extra judicial killing” but his allegations will have to be tested in court.
What is clear is that alleged tampering with witnesses or those who may offer important leads about Kenya’s violent past, is worrying the chief prosecutor at International Criminal Court (ICC) at The Hague.
In a candid interview with the BBC, Fatou Bensouda has expressed her alarm at “attempts to interfere with the witnesses”.
Investigations in Kenya are proving to be “quite a challenge” she confesses and though she stops short of apportioning blame. She warns of “attempts to publish the names of witnesses or perceived witnesses in the media or on the internet”.
And she says that those who tell us their stories “deserve to be protected, not only by the court but by Kenyans themselves”.
Election test
The lawyers for Uhuru Kenyatta, a presidential hopeful, and one of the four accused who deny the charges levelled by the ICC, has called for the trial to be postponed.
They say a key witness has recanted his testimony linking Mr Kenyatta to an organised crime gang.
Talk of witnesses disappearing and plots hatched in secret may sound like the stuff of fiction but Kenyans have been burdened with a history of impunity that reformers are now trying to address.
One of the champions of change is Kenya’s Chief Justice Willy Mutunga. A human rights lawyer and former exile he has been in the job for a year.
Despite his informal style, bodyguards shadow him everywhere he goes.
He is an optimist and believes that “Kenyans will emerge from these elections more united”.
The country has ushered in a new constitution, and other institutional changes designed to break the stranglehold of ethnic chauvinism that has tainted politics for the past half century.
In previous elections, the key to success for politicians was to campaign along ethnic grounds and stack courts with pliant judges.
So the big test is whether election disputes are taken to the newly reformed courts, rather than out onto the streets this time.
“If any disputes are not brought before the Supreme Court, then the public confidence in this institution will be dented,” Mr Mutunga says. “And I don’t know whether that damage will be repairable.”
For millions of Kenyans so much rides on this election. Little wonder then that it is being dubbed a milestone that could radically alter the way politics is done here in future.
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-21382339
20:30 Our World Kenya Elections – A Family Affair
23:30 Newsnight (ICC witnesses disappearing)
http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-radio-and-tv-12957298
They will bow down its just but a scare soon you will hear them even praising them if they win. My worry is uk is printing the ballot papers are they going to do some thing about and help in rigging. soon the petro is going to start bringing proffit.
We are living in a very dangerous time and era,where slaves can abuse ,defy ,rebel, rape masters wife ,kill masters dog threaten to rape and hang masters daughter and the slave goes on and on without master taking any action?
Why is UHURUTO Hague issue is handled with kid-groves by the leaders from the west especially from One of the Most democratic country in the World THE USA under Barak Obama?
Why is Uhuruto case(kenya) being treated differently from the former Yugoslavian President Slobodan Mirovsevic ?
General Mradic , Radovan Karadzic etc .
The EU/ USA goverment should tell the world why are they treating Indivinduals (Uhuru/Ruto/Muthaura and Sang special?
Why should the western Civilized democracy allow Evil forces to win against good forces .It has never happed before why this time and now?
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February 08, 2013
Election of ICC Suspects Could Harm Kenya Financially, Politically
by Gabe Joselow
The potential election of two candidates charged with crimes against humanity by the International Criminal Court could have far-reaching political and financial consequences for Kenya.
Deputy Prime Minister Uhuru Kenyatta and his running mate, parliament member William Ruto, are both charged with crimes committed during inter-tribal fighting which erupted following the last disputed election in 2007.
They face charges of crimes against humanity, as indirect perpetrators of murder, rape and other acts of violence.
Controversial campaign
The two candidates enjoy popular support in their base in central Kenya, but the charges have raised important questions about whether international partners will be comfortable dealing with a president and vice president facing serious accusations.
Earlier this week, Kenyatta, who is the son of Kenya’s first president, said unless he is convicted by the ICC, there is nothing to stop him from campaigning.
“What we must all accept, is that you are innocent until you are proven guilty,” Kenyatta said. “And that being the case, the outcome for the court proceedings itself is what one can then use to say whether one is guilty or not, and whether a nation can deal with you or not. But right now, even with that hanging over you, you are innocent.”
International response
Kenya’s allies have warned of the implications of Kenyatta and Ruto’s possible election.
In a phone briefing with reporters this week, the top U.S. diplomat for African Affairs, Johnnie Carson, reiterated Washington’s position on the possible election of the ICC suspects, saying “choices have consequences.”
Carson, a former ambassador to Kenya, said the U.S. will not endorse any candidate in the race, and declined to comment on exactly what course of action might be taken.
“I’m not going to speculate on what our actions will be, but we are not signatories to the ICC convention, but I underscore that we recognize and respect what the ICC is trying to do,” Carson said.
The European Union also has a policy of banning all but essential contact with ICC indictees. The candidates have said they have not heard formal positions from any government saying they will be banned if elected.
Financial impact
Macharia Kihuro, a risk management practitioner based in Nairobi, says there could be economic implications to electing the two candidates.
“Actually, they are innocent until they are proven guilty. But there is something that we call perception,” Kihuro says. “And perception is the stock in trade in the international market. Can we trust the people who are in leadership? And this applies across the board. If you are going to lend money to an institution, you look at the corporate governance structures. This is a fact.”
Kihuro says Kenya’s economy is very reliant on foreign exchange. A withdrawal of investment, or even the possibility of sanctions, could dry up reserves of U.S. dollars, which would slow growth and drive up inflation.
Constitutional questions
The ramifications of electing the two suspects are not limited to Kenya’s relationship with the international community.
It could also pose a direct challenge to the country’s new constitution, according to Edward Kisiang’ani, a professor of politics and history at Kenyatta University in Nairobi.
“Article 73, which is the beginning of chapter 6 on leadership and integrity, also says that people should hold office in a manner that brings honor and dignity to the people and to that office,” Kisiang’ani says. “If you have been accused of having committed crimes against humanity, that cannot bring dignity and honor to that office.”
Kenya’s high court is currently considering a case which challenges Kenyatta and Ruto’s eligibility to run for office based on the integrity clause. A decision is expected next week.
The ICC case against the two suspects is scheduled to resume at The Hague in April. That would coincide with the schedule for a possible run-off vote, if no one wins in the first round in March.
The ICC is considering whether to move the trial to a court in Arusha, Tanzania.
http://www.voanews.com/content/election-of-icc-suspect-could-harm-kenya-financially-politically/1599865.html
What do france gives us we don care with them n you mutambo think how 2morro will be by ua side n they will be inside state house next month so continue talking shits wit ua franceee we kenyans we dont talk franska n 2 hell wit them.
Kenyans supporting Jubilee Uhuruto should ask Malian people how good is war?Desperation is all that is left in this Northern City of Mali after the French military campaign left hundreds of locals out of business.
In the city of Mopti, north of the West African Country, young men have been left jobless as a result of the French led offensive against the local fighters.
The bombings in the north have forced several hotels and many of those employed in the business out of work.
A common sight in most parts of northern Mali, where those who have lost their jobs are sitting in the streets, wondering what the future holds in store.
Some of the locals who spoke to Press TV say the French war in Mali has caused a permanent damage to their lives.
For women who are privileged to access the landing site, fresh fish from the shores of river Bani flowing through from Ivory Coast has been a blessing of sustenance at the time of war.
Many businesses have closed down as a result of the French Military campaign in Mali. There is growing fear among the population that the situation could get far worse than already is.
How could a whole retinue of jubilee alliance fails to have an unlighted international relations among them to give them proper perspective,meaning and iimport of obamas message to kenyans.diplomats use coded language in plain terms to camouflage the true position.
obama was not offensive but underlying the import of his message that in civilized world,you should not and cannot elect suspects of crimes against humanity and expect to be engaged in equal terms and reciprocity. Look at countries with rogue leaders like Zimbabwe and Sudan.they are shunned and treated with disdain.all are having economic problems.their people are not respected anywhere in the globe.everybody talks about them in bad light.kenya cannot afford to take that route with uhuru and ruto group.it is ticket to oblivion and nowhere.that is the import of diplomatic dispatches from Washington and European capitals.sally kosgei knows this.wetangula and kalonzo musyoka knows this.uhuru and ruto want confrontation with international community for selfish personal reasons not in interest of kenya.this is war they cant win even if they become in power in kenya.it is route saddam hussein followed.it is route to doom and oblivion.uhuru and ruto are not clever than charles taylor of liberia and laurent gadbo of cote ed Ivoire/Kenya cant afford this useless rogue leader feuds with civilized world.uhuru and ruto presidency is untenable.
Funny news from the Govt of Kenya >Anigger Govt cannot trust black American Nigger >
I BELIEVE OBAMA MORE THAN CARSON – KIMEMIA
Saturday, February 9, 2013 – 00:00 — BY FRANCIS MUREITHI AND SAMUEL OTIENO
PUBLIC service boss Francis Kimemia yesterday said that he prefers to believe President Barrack Obama rather than his Africa envoy Johnny Carson on how the United States would react if Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto win in the presidential elections…
Force will be used to arrest Uhuru/ruto their history will end up like that of a war-monger of Ivory Coast Bagbo who was arrested and molested by french soldiers together with his notorious wife!
Why should over 40 million kenyans suffer becouse of 2 malefactors?(Uhuru & Ruto?
Certainly the U.S. and U.K do not wish to create anxiety in diplomatic terms…however, it is a fact all is not well…Kenya is walking into these elections with a thoroughly unprepared election body (IEBC), a partisan, unreformed police force, and persistent remnants of a provincial administration structure already disbanded by the new Constitution. The incumbent president has refused to let go of the provincial administration relic – for suspicious reasons of course.
Truth be told..the mix of the inept and feckless IEBC, a partisan police force, and illegitimate provincial administration is recipe to electoral chaos and possible violence –yes post-election violence.
Just yesterday there are credible reports Kenya’s Inspector General of Police and head of civil service met with a presidential candidate (& running mate)…a meeting which triggered the Police Commissioner’s attempt to sanction free speech during the campaigns (on land matters). Evidence is suggesting that these unreformed institutions may become (yet again) key planks in undemocratic and underhand schemes for acquisition of (or hanging onto) power.
Putting more foreign exchange ($$$$) into the hands of these politicans during the campaign season would only add fuel into fire. It’s better to withhold the AMISOM cheque.
mzee February 5, 2013 @ 3:24 pm
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This puts to rest the rumors that Obama supports Raila Odinga because they are both Luos.
Reply adongo23456 February 5, 2013 @ 7:20 pm
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mzee & others,
The president has done the right thing and I like his Kenyan touch. President Obama has always been very proud of his Kenyan roots which makes some people very unsettled.
Our usual politically bankrupt friends are already celebrating elsewhere that President Obama has now endorsed an Uhuru presidency and he will work with Uhuru as president without any problems. Nonsense.
Here is the deal. If, god forbid, Uhuru is elected Kenya’s president on March 4, 2013, President Obama has a duty and a responsibility to pick up the phone on March 5, 2013 and send warm congratulations to president elect and wish him well. President Obama will have to respect the Kenyan electoral process if it is free and fair.
Uhuru’s problem starts on April 10, 2013 whether he miraculously gets elected or not. On April 10, 2013 Mr. Kenyatta has to board a plane or take a boat if he wishes and obediently deliver himself as an indicted suspect at the Hague to face his trial for crimes against humanity. If Uhuru does that he will have no problems with President Obama or anybody else. Should Uhuru decide that he is not going to The Hague as required that is when all hell breaks loose and the first person to condemn such a move will be President Obama himself. And from there on if Uhuru were our president the nation would do into a coma until he is kicked out.
If Uhuru obediently goes to The Hague as required he knows he cannot be the president of Kenya at the same time. The nonsense that the ICC will accomodate them and find a schedule to suit their political timetable is a bad joke. Uhuru and Ruto will go to The Hague as indicted suspects and in no other capacity. That is the only relation the court will have with them and we all know that at the very least the trial will take close to four years. Both Uhuru and Ruto know they cannot run the country while at The Hague and that leads to only two conclusions as follows.
1. Uhuru and Ruto are hoping to win the presidency and then use their new found powers to abscond from the ICC and push Kenya into a pariah state. Their agents have been peddling that option for a while now but the pressure is just too much for them to sell that ticket. So they have now opted for the option that Uhuru and Ruto will fully comply.
2. If Uhuru is serious and genuine about going to The Hague then his running for the presidency is a practical joke or some kind of entertainment for the two of them. There will be no Kenyan president sitting at The Hague, period. Which brings me to my final point.
3.Some people may think Uhuru and Ruto are nut cases given that they are spending a fortune running for offices they possibly cannot hold but these things happen. Sometimes as human beings we find ourselves in situations where we are just at a lose. We don’t know what to do and we just go on through the motions of life. That happens except in this case it is happening at the biggest stage, a presidential election no less. It is really a tragedy for them come to think of it. They can smell the presidency and yet deep down they know it is out of reach. That can drive you crazy. We are just witnessing the madness. When the history of this election is written the biggest question will be why on earth did Uhuru dump Satan’s Gift to him, namely, Mr. Moses Mudavadi.
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Uhuru Kenyatta dares the West>Sunday, 10 February, 2013
“The West should stop their useless threats. We can do business with fellow Africans, China, India and others.
Jubilee leaders yesterday took the international community head on and vowed not to be intimidated by their threats to impose sanctions on Kenya if the alli- ance wins the 2013 General Election elections. Alliance presidential torch bearer Uhuru Kenyatta, running mate William Ruto, Wa- ter Minister Charity Ngilu, assistant minister Jebii Kilimo and former MPs Najib Balala, Joshua Kutuny, Jackson Kiptanui, Joyce Laboso, Charles Keter, William Kabogo, Adan Duale, Danson Mungatana, Ferdinand Waititu, Rachel Shebesh and Ekwe Ethuro described the warning by diplomats over March 4 polls as dictatorship and blackmail on the Kenyan people. The leaders said Kenya has other friends that will cooperate with Jubilee to implement its policies when they ascend to power. Addressing a mammoth rally at Eldoret’s Kipchoge Keino stadium, Uhuru said Jubilee stands for a government elected by Kenyans for Kenyans.
“We will not be intimidated and neither would Kenyans be intimidated. Those calling themselves our friends have no right to tell us who to elect. If they have a candidate, let them say so, but they should know that there are many governments in the world who are ready to, and have worked with Kenya,” he said.
Commenting on the same issue, Ruto said some of the diplomats have resorted to issuing threats on realization that their “stooge” was heading nowhere. “We know that you have a stooge, a puppet. But now that you have realized your stooge is going nowhere, you have resorted to threats. There is no difference between those who use threats and intimidations against Kenyans and those who use violence,” Ruto told the crowd. Ngilu told the crowd: “Kenyans have decided they will support Jubilee and there is no turning back. International interests should ensure there is peace, and that can only happen if they keep off the Kenyan elections.”
Balala and Duale said a Jubilee government would turn to the East and not depend on the biased West- ern world. “The West should stop their useless threats. We can do business with fellow Africans, China, India and others. The West can stay because it not the only part of the world that we can do business with,” said Balala.
US assistant Secretary of State Johnnie Carson warned that Kenya faces consequences if Jubilee coalition wins the coming elections. Other Western countries including Switzerland, Britain and Francs have since followed suit. Carson’s remarks came in the wake of a growing list of Western countries uncomfortable with the candidature of Jubilee coalition leaders Uhuru and Ruto who are facing charge at the ICC in relation with crime against humanity. The Jubilee leaders wound up its vote hunt in North Rift region with a promise to promote equality among all communities in the country through ambitious poverty eradication programmes if they elected on March 4.
Vote hunting
The Jubilee leaders said they will dedicate their efforts to enhance equal sharing of the government resources regardless of party affiliations or ethnicity for the sake of unity. They reiterated commitment to focus in provision of solutions to social and economic challenges facing Kenyans as part of their agenda.
Uhuru who is also Deputy Prime Minister and Ruto, the immediate former Eldoret North legislator were addressing a series of rallies including Kabujoi trading centre in Nandi and 64 Stadium in Uasin Gishu counties. They castigated their competitors for dwelling on personality instead of real issues. Ruto said Jubilee alliance was aware that agriculture was the backbone of the economy and that land had to be properly utilized to enhance development. “Land is an important resource in the development but our main competitors are using it to promote disunity in the nation. We need to handle the matter with sobriety to avoid causing tension and anxiety among Kenyans,” cautioned Ruto He took issue Cord presidential candidate Raila Odinga for dwelling on land issues and making claims that are divisive without offering a working solution.
That we can elect a suspect is just silly. Karua said it best: I am not hiring anyone who is accused of stealing someone else’s goat, until they clear themselves. This is a high office, bro, and we are in need of building a country with a great future. The title “suspect” must never be used in the same sentence as the title “president” when referring to the leader of this great nation. EVER!
But now your hero Ruto must go to Europe and explain to the wazungus why he and his boys burned all those women and children in a church and Uhuru also must explain why he and his boys raped and killed and they are shitting in their trousers whenever they think about 50 years in a jail cell, so keep that in mind when you are all talking big.
Uhuruto should not surrender to western imperialist Court that has failed to arrest Felician Kabuga a wanted man by the west. If the western intelligence has failed to arrest Kabuga how are they going to arrest Uhuruto being supported and protected by kenyas most wartribes Kalenjins and Kikuyus whose history nis of waging battles against british colonialists?
Uhuruto should unite other African countries not with good terms with the west starting with Sudan,eritrea etc and call arab countries like syria.Iran lebanon etc Africa must resist neo-colonialism now.
The French are likely to get their wish, especially following the recent political fiasco engineered by the country’s strong man and coup leader Capt. Amadou Haya Sanogo. The Americans also covet intervention, but one that would serve their growing interests in the Sahel region.
African countries are divided and have no clear alternative on how to restore Mali’s territorial integrity – and equally important political sovereignty – disjointed between Tuareg secessionists and militants in the north and factionalized army in the south.
The current crisis in Mali is the recent manifestation of a recurring episode of terrible suffering and constant struggles. It goes back much earlier than the French officials in particular wish to recall. True, there is much bad blood between the various forces that are now fighting for control, but there is also much acrimony between Mali and France, the latter having conquered Mali (then called French Sudan) in 1898.
After decades of a bitter struggle, Mali achieved its independence in 1960 under the auspices of a socialist government led by President Modibo Keita. One of his very early orders of business was breaking away with French influence and the Franc zone.
Former colonial powers rarely abandon their ambitions, even after their former colonies gain hard-earned freedom. They remain deeply entrenched by meddling in various ways that destabilize the former colonies. Then, when opportune, they militarily intervene to uphold the status quo. In 1968, Keita was ousted from power, and few years later in 1977, he died in a lonely cell. His death ushered in mass protests, compelling few cosmetic gestures towards a new constitution and half-hearted democracy.
Turmoil defined Mali for many years since then, even after the country achieved a level of political stability in 1992. At the time it was believed that Mali was fast becoming a model for democracy, at least in the West Africa region. Few years later, thousands of refugees from the ever-neglected and under-represented Tuaregs began returning to their towns and villages mostly in the vast desert region in northern Mali.
That return was introduced by a peace agreement signed between Tuaregs and the central government. Little on the ground has changed. Various bands, some homegrown, others fleeing fighting in neighboring countries, especially Algeria, found haven in Mali’s north and west. At times, they fought amongst each other, at times they served some unclear agendas of outside parties, and at times they created temporary alliances amongst themselves.
While France attempted to keep Mali in its sphere of influence – thus its decision in 2002 to cancel over a third of Mali’s debt – the United States was also taking interest in Mali’s crucial position in the Sahel regions and the prospects created by the un-governability of the northern regions.
Of course, the all-inclusive definition of al-Qaeda served as the ever-convenient ruse to justify American involvement. Al-Qaeda has been used by Washington to rationalize the establishment of the US Africa Command (AFRICOM). It was set up in 2008 to manage US military interests in the whole continent with the exception of Egypt. The US State Department claimed that AFRICOM “will play a supportive role as Africans build democratic institutions and establish good governance across the continent.”
The importance of the al-Qaeda narrative to the American role in the Sahel was highlighted in the last presidential debate between President Barack Obama and his Republican opponent, Mitt Romney. To flex some political muscles, perhaps Romney warned of “al-Qaeda type individuals” threatening to turn Mali into a new Afghanistan.
Other western experts on the Sahel dispute the analogy, however claiming that Mali is descending into a Sudan-like model instead. Either way, the people of Mali are currently suffering the consequences of the burgeoning conflict, which reflects a convoluted mix of foreign agendas, extremist ideologies and real grievances of Malian tribes in the north and west.
The south of the country is not exactly an oasis of stability. The ongoing territorial struggle and political volatility are threatening the whole country, which has been battling a cruel famine and pitiless warlords. The most dominant faction in the Malian army is led by US-trained Army Capt. Amadou Sanogo, who on March 22 led a coup against President Amadou Toumani Toure. Sanogo’s reasoning – blaming Toure for failing to stamp out growing militant influence in the north – sounded more like a pretense than a genuine attempt at recovering the disintegrating country.
It remains unclear who Sanogo’s backers are, especially since France and the US are relatively tolerant of his political transgressions and violent conduct. Sanogo’s coup came shortly before elections, scheduled for last April. While the African Union (AU) reacted assertively to the coup by suspending Mali’s membership, western powers remained indecisive. Despite a half-hearted handing over of power from the coup leaders to a civilian government of President Dioncounda Traore, Sanogo remain firmly in charge. In May, the junta struck again, retaking power, as pro-Sanogo mobs almost beat president Traore to death inside his presidential compound.
Sanogo, empowered by the lack of decisiveness to his conduct, continued to play some political game or another. A short lived “national unity government” under Prime Minister Cheick Modibo Diarra was more or less toppled when Diarra was arrested by Sanogo’s men. He was forced to concede power and install a little known government administrator as his predecessor.
Sonogo’s political show continues, especially as the West African regional grouping (ECOWAS), along with the AU remains focused on what they perceive as a more urgent priority: ending the territorial disintegration in the north and west.
The conflict in the north is in a constant influx. Alliances change, thus the nature of the conflict is in perpetual alteration. Large consignments of weapons that were made available during NATO’s war in Libya early last year, made their way to various rebel and militant groups throughout the region. The Tuaregs had received support from the ousted Libyan government and were dispersed during and following the war. Many of them returned to Mali, battle-hardened and emboldened by the advanced weapons.
Fighting in the north began in stages, most notably in January 2012. Sanogo’s coup created the needed political vacuum for Tuaregs’ National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA) to declare independence in the north a mere two weeks later. The declaration was the result of quick military victories by MNLA and its militant allies, which led to the capture of Gao and other major towns.
These successive developments further bolstered Islamic and other militant groups to seize cities across the country and hold them hostage to their ideologies and other agendas. For example, Ansar al-Din had reportedly worked jointly with the MNLA, but declared a war “against independence” in June, as soon as it secured its control over Timbuktu. Al-Tawhid wa al-Jihad, along with AQIM made their moves. The allies soon became bitter enemies.
Last September, rebels from various groupings in control of the north began advancing onto other strategic areas in the center and south-west parts of the country. Their territorial advances are now made against government-held towns and areas that are still controlled by Azawad Tuareg rebels.
There is now semi-consensus on the need for military intervention in Mali, although some differences persist over the nature and scope of that intervention. Sanogo himself has little interest in seeing other West African powers jockeying for influence in Bamako, which could threaten his thus far unchallenged rule. Moreover, it is unclear how affective military force can be, as the territorial fragmentation, many militant groupings and political discord throughout the country are almost impossible to navigate.
The stability of West Africa is surely at stake. The chances of a political solution are all but completely dissipated. The growing chaos will likely benefit interventionist states – France and the US in particular. A long-drawn new “war on terror,” will justify further intervention in West Africa and more meddling in the affairs of ECOWAS countries.
A few years ago, a new “scramble for Africa” was unleashed due to China’s growing influence in the continent. It was heightened by a more recent North African turmoil caused by the so-called Arab Spring. Opportunities are now abound for those ready to stake more claims over a long exploited region.
RB/HMV
16 October 2012 Last updated at 10:29 GMT
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Viewpoint: Can Kenya avoid election bloodshed?
More than 1,000 people died in violence around the 2007 election – and there are fears of more deadly disturbances as Kenya heads to the polls again
Four years after the worst political crisis since it gained independence in 1963, pre-election tensions are mounting in Kenya. Writer Gray Phombeah believes the country is set for more bloody clashes amid the polling.
In what some see as a flashback to the horrors of Kenya’s post-election violence of 2007 and 2008, episodes of inter-ethnic violence, killings and the use of hate speech have increased.
These disturbances are a warning the country could descend into violence worse than the crisis around the disputed general elections in December 2007.
The clashes began in the Tana Delta region, where more than 100 people were killed in August in fighting between the Pokomo people – mostly farmers growing cash crops by the Tana River – and the Orma, semi-nomadic cattle herders, in what appeared to be a dispute over land and water.
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In September, the killing of a Muslim cleric was followed by days of deadly riots in the port city of Mombasa.
Since then, junior minister Ferdinand Waititu has appeared in court charged with hate speech and inciting violence in the capital city Nairobi.
More violence has also been reported on the coast of Kenya and in the north-eastern part of the country. The outbreaks have sparked fears that, as the scramble for votes intensifies ahead of the March 2013 poll, the killings could herald another bloody election season.
Political interference
Following the 2007 election and its violent aftermath, a power-sharing government was eventually formed in February 2008 – but by then at least 1,000 people had been killed and tens of thousands displaced.
The violence was so serious that former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan flew into Nairobi to steer meetings between the two main political parties’ leaders, the Orange Democratic Movement’s Raila Odinga and the encumbent, Mwai Kibaki of the Party of National Unity.
A referendum on a new constitution in August 2010 produced a resounding “yes” vote, devolving power and establishing a bill of rights.
But efforts to set up a local tribunal to prosecute suspects of the election killings were blocked by the politicians who were implicated.
With official reports still to be published, many Kenyans are still unable to put the violence behind them
So were attempts to undertake land reform, police reform and enact the Integrity and Leadership Bill. Other ambitious reforms whose need had been exposed by the election were not pushed through.
The big debate now is about the two politicians who are due to appear before the International Criminal Court at The Hague just weeks after the 2013 election, charged with displacing, torturing, persecuting and killing civilians during Kenya’s election crisis.
Former finance minister Uhuru Kenyatta, and William Ruto, arguably Kenya’s most divisive political figure, both deny the charges and are still running for president.
Mr Ruto is widely accused of instigating violence but revered as a hero within his ethnic community, the Kalenjin.
Mr Kenyatta is the son of Kenya’s former leader Jomo Kenyatta.
Their presence in the electoral contest has raised fears of fresh violence. And Mr Annan – on hand to mediate after the previous election – last week warned the country was in danger of spiralling into serious violence once more.
Deep inequality
Of course, Kenyan elections have often triggered clashes between tribes, as political parties tend to draw support from particular ethnic groups.
But Kenya’s violent past interacts toxically with another contributing factor: Deep inequality, especially between different regions. It is that, rather than poverty, which sparks political violence and crime. Official unemployment hovers around the 40% mark, with young people the worst affected. Tribal rivalries can easily cause tensions to spill over.
Meanwhile, the political elite continue to award themselves higher salaries and perks – considered the highest – against a backdrop of increasing labour unrest and strikes by doctors and teachers.
Ethnic tensions have added an extra dimension to the struggle for power
One of the many shortcomings of Kenyan society since the electoral violence has been its failure to takes the effects of the fighting seriously enough. The sheer relief that accompanied the arrival of the peace pact gave way to an unspoken belief that all was now relatively calm.
The truth is that thousands of those internally displaced during the violence are still in makeshift camps, four years on.
During the post-election crisis, there was state-directed violence against civilians, fighting amongst various civilian factions, and uprisings against the state by civilians.
As a recent report concluded, Kenya has not yet healed. The report says both the victims and the perpetrators of violence are still trapped in the after-effects of the fighting, without undergoing a healing and reconciliation process.
The belated Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission, set up three years ago, has yet to release findings and recommendations, adding fuel to the widely-held belief that the coalition administration is not serious in bringing closure to the election’s events.
Part of the reason for this could be that this time the stakes are even higher.
Scarred country
In March, Kenyans will vote for county governors and senators for the first time. More power will be up for grabs, this time at a local level. This could lead to intense competition and rivalry, raising the likelihood of more violence.
And back in the Tana, a new threat to peace is emerging. Investors, both Kenyan and foreign, are acquiring leases on vast tracts of land for large-scale crop cultivation for food and bio-fuels.
Deeply scarred and limping into new elections, Kenya could be showing symptoms of post-traumatic stress on a large scale.
And it won’t take much to make things worse.
Gray Phombeah is a Kenyan writer and broadcaster.
International Criminal Court
OBJECTIVES OF THE ICC
The European Union fully supports the International Criminal Court (ICC). The principles of the Rome Statute of the ICC, as well as those governing its functioning, are fully in line with the principles and objectives of the Union. The consolidation of the rule of law and respect for human rights, as well as the preservation of peace and the strengthening of international security, in conformity with the Charter of the United Nations and as provided for in Articles 2 and 3 of the Treaty of European Union, are of fundamental importance to, and a priority for, the Union.
THE EUROPEAN UNION SUPPORTS THE ICC
The serious crimes within the jurisdiction of the ICC are of concern for the European Union, which is determined to co-operate for the prevention of those crimes and for putting an end to the impunity of the perpetrators thereof. In this framework, the European Union adopted, on 11 June 2001, Common Position 2001/443/CFSP on the International Criminal Court, which has been reviewed and reinforced on 20 June 2002 by Common Position 2002/474/CFSP, and on 16 June 2003 by Common Position 2003/444/CFSP.On 21 March 2011 the Council adopted a new decision on the ICC repealing the 2003 Common position.
At the review conference of the Rome Statute of the ICC, held in Kampala, Uganda, from 31 May to 11 June 2010, the European Union pledged to review and update its instruments in support of the ICC and to continue the promotion of the universality and preservation of the integrity of the Rome Statute.
The objective of the Council decision is to advance universal support for the Rome Statute by promoting the widest possible participation in it, to preserve the integrity of the Statute, to support the independence of the ICC and its effective and efficient functioning, to support cooperation with the ICC and to support the implementation of the principle of complementarity.
The European Union also agreed on 12 July 2011 an Action Plan to follow-up the Decision on the International Criminal Court.
http://www.consilium.europa.eu/policies/foreign-policy/international-criminal-court?lang=en
Quotes from Some Kikuyu farcists>But Mr Murathe maintains this is the case: “They are trying to dictate to Kenyans who to elect. This is totally an unacceptable, patronising, paternalistic and arrogant attitude that must be rejected by all right thinking Kenyans and the rest of the civilised world. It would be better they declare total severance of diplomatic ties rather than use threats, blackmail and Big Brother antics to subjugate Kenyans to new forms of neo-colonialism”.
Äfter USA President Obama issuing a warning to Kenyans not to elect Haguee suspects as their President.
here Kenyans are reminded not to destroy their country by electing 2 wanted (baboons) by international criminal court>Musalia Mudavadi says
We are not an island; we live in a village called the world. When the recession coughs in Europe, we suffer the pangs of prolonged economic stagnation here. An economy that has collapsed does not create conditions for peace. We therefore must avoid the temptation to wish away out development partners. That kind of naivety can only mean we suffocate the gains we have so far struggled to attain.
The West started interfering with Kenyan politics along time ago and Jubilee can scream all they want but the West will never leave Kenyan politics to chance. For years both Raila and Jaramogi were smeared as COMMUNIST in the west by the same people who are now screaming sovereignity. It took Raila years of persuasive hard work to clear this label from his file with the state department and UK’s foreign affairs files. Uhuru and Ruto are making sure their names are blacklisted in the West by constantly insulting the West. It will take years before they are cleared to be president. They need to talk to Raila about how it feels to be labeled by the West and what it takes to remove those labels. There are things that tribal numbers cannot do.
Raila was supposed to give up along time ago because he does not come from a big tribe but he refuses to. Moi told him Kanu inawenyewe, Kibaki reneged on the Mou then stole the elections, and Ruto vowed to vanguish him with tribal numbers like has never been seen before, Kalenjin plus the mighty Gema. Raila is still here. That is the real reason for the hate. He refuses to be crushed by tribal numbers of people who believe Kenya belongs to them.
Some facts here….
The Chinese care less about politics, but only business.
And for sure, the Chinese take Chai, they dont drink Coffee….so who is gonna buy Kenya’s coffee…better stated…who is gonna buy the coffee that mainly grows in the Kenyans highlands (in Central Kenya)?
Kenya earns mostly from Tourism…it is one of our Key source of foreign income…Where do most tourists come from? Dont tell me Beijing or Hong Kong…The Chinese only come to work
Where do we have the largest number of Kenyan diaspora…in the Western countries or the Eastern bloc? Where do Kenyans want to send their kids for further education??? Where can Kenyans earn some decent money from cleaning toilets or serving at McDonalds?…China? Europe? or America?…Please dont tell me China….China has enough of their ownon their jobs waiting list to require African black foreigners
Aha! And the flowers from NAivasha? Where will they be exported to? …China? Hehehe!!!
So…as you vote in Jubilee, just keep in mind that trade will be at its lowest while the price of Maize flour (Ugali) will be at its highest
VOTE WISELY!!!
The days of imposed Pinochets and Mobutus are certainly over. The West killed Allende to impose Pinochet on Chileans then they killed Lumumba to impose tyrant Mobutu on the Congolese. These kinds of acts were repeated in Iran, Guyana and other parts of the developing world in the last century.
But this is the 21st. Century and certainly not in the late 1400’s or in the late 1800’s when the Bible and the Gatling Gun was used to Rape and Plunder Africa. This is the Age of Intellectual Reasoning if the ruling classes in the West don’t like it then that’s their own problem not ours but please they better not insult our intelligence. After all , the Western Civilization is declining rapidly after dominating the world for 500 long years with the worst kind of brutality in human history.
Who do these two timer morons from jubilee talking on behalf of?I am a Kenyan and they are definitely not talking on my behalf.Even if it’s freedom of choice or democracy,seriously whoever that is fronting for or dying for or putting his life on the line for an ICC/ jail bound person need to get their heads examined.There got to be something wrong with you.You on are on the ship,loking at it sinking,but you are still in denial that’s it ain’t,you still want to hang on to it.I like Uhuru,but I love Kenya more.Being patriotic is putting your life on the line for the country and not for an individual.Trying to save Kenya from isolation or going down is patriotism and not voting for people that want to go down with the country.
Sorry to info you that there are more more moron who will elect this two morons, whether you the genous like it or not.
.
“Justice be our shield and defender”. The British envoy was categorical that it is not the country on trial here, but the two individuals and justice has to prevail on behalf of the 1300 killed and thousand others affected. In all this talk, seems he is the only one who has nailed the whole ICC issue down. Whether the evidence was cooked; or UhuRuto’s supporters feel “wamewekelewa” is not the point. This is a judicial process and these guys arrived there following this process rubber stamped by our own Parliament!
Uhuru Kenyatta, Kenyan presidential candidate, faces trial for crimes against humanity the day after election
His friends say he is the nice guy of Kenya’s dirty political world: the mild-mannered scion of its greatest family, a pro-business reformer whose gentlemanly demeanour marks him out among his rivals. Yet Uhuru Kenyatta, 51, is accused of taking part in the country’s most terrible crimes since independence in 1963.
Three weeks away from the first round of voting in a general election, he is neck and neck with his main opponent in a contest that many expect will make him president.
Yet if the vote goes to a second round, as expected, and Mr Kenyatta is sworn in on April 10, his first task will be to defend himself at The Hague on April 11, the first day of his trial for alleged crimes against humanity.
When violence erupted after the previous presidential election in 2007, he is accused of being among the politicians who instigated the mobs that murdered 1,300 Kenyans and burnt homes across the country, forcing half a million to flee and destroying the nation’s reputation as an African bastion of stability.
He is now bracketed with the continent’s warlords and bloody dictators, and if he is elected president Kenya could lurch overnight from being one of the most successful nations in Africa to a diplomatic outcast, shunned by the West. Foreign diplomats underlined that point last week by warning that they would cold-shoulder Mr Kenyatta if he is the victor.
But Mr Kenyatta, who insists he is innocent of all charges, says he is not in the least bit worried about any of this.
“This is not putting off the voters at all,” he said. “They are looking at our agenda, at the issues. That is how they will make their decision.”
He spoke exclusively to The Sunday Telegraph on Saturday on the sidelines of a boisterous rally in the city of Eldoret, scene of some of the worst atrocities in 2007. Then, mobs hacked or stabbed their ethnic enemies to death, or trapped them in churches and burnt them alive.
For a few terrifying days it looked as if Kenya, which has shopping malls, computer entrepreneurs, and a growing middle class, could turn into a new Rwanda.
Human Rights Watch warned last week that the risk of more violence was “perilously high” and quoted a Kenyan who said: “The communities are preparing – they are arming themselves. All over, they are saying: ‘This time we won’t be unprepared.'”
Foreign governments are so worried about Mr Kenyatta’s campaign success that in the past week the British, French and Americans all took the unusual step of going public with their fears to Kenyans.
The British High Commissioner to Kenya, Dr Christian Turner, had the greatest impact, going live on the popular Citizen Television station to say that Britain would not talk to any of the four Kenyans indicted by the ICC “unless it was essential” – he clearly meant Mr Kenyatta and his running mate, William Ruto, who is also indicted.
Although Dr Turner used diplomatic language, what he was really saying was that Kenya, one of Britain’s closest allies and biggest aid recipients, would become a pariah state under a President Kenyatta, in the same league as Sudan or Zimbabwe.
Mr Kenyatta grinned widely at the mention of Dr Turner’s television appearance. His campaign team believes that, far from being put off by the ICC charges, Kenyan voters are turning to him because of what they see as meddling by the former colonial power.
“In actual fact, the negative impact is on the British. Kenyans are showing they are not keen on foreigners telling them what to do,” he told The Sunday Telegraph. “If anything, his remarks helped us out.”
He also hinted that if elected, he would change Kenya’s orientation away from Britain, which is still a major trading partner. “Many countries are willing to deal with Kenya. We have a good relationship with China, it is growing year by year. And when one door closes another opens,” he said.
He brushed aside the threat of sanctions, although his rivals are starting to bring this up in the campaign and point out that Mr Kenyatta’s election could quickly bring grievous hurt to Kenya’s economy.
Whatever his problems, Mr Kenyatta was in many ways born to be president.
His first name, Uhuru, means “freedom” in Swahili, and his surname carries great weight in Kenya. He is the son of Jomo Kenyatta, the founding father of the nation who was jailed by the British for seven years during the struggle against colonial rule, before becoming president and ruling a one-party state.
Mr Kenyatta junior has served as finance minister, and is currently deputy prime minister. Now he hopes to follow in his father’s footsteps and return to the presidential palace, where he was born. After school in Kenya, he attended Amherst College in Massachusetts, USA, studying business and political science. He has a wife and three children.
To a man with such a burden of history and expectation on his shoulders, the ICC indictment was personally wounding. “It is especially bad when you know you are innocent, and charged with such horrible crimes,” he said.
“It has had a terrible impact on my career and my family. It has been a burden. When the truth does come out, the world will be shocked.”
He would not discuss the details of the International Criminal Court’s case against him, but his team insists the evidence is flimsy and say it rests on one witness who has frequently changed his story.
His supporters argue that his prosecution is politically motivated by his enemies at home and abroad. Some say that Britain, the third biggest financial contributor to the ICC, much prefers his election rival, Raila Odinga, a western favourite who has been groomed for power for years.
Mr Kenyatta kept a diplomatic silence when asked about this, but looked as if he was bursting to speak – and promised to do so when his legal problems are solved.
The latest polls show him on 43 per cent, just behind Mr Odinga on 45 per cent, but it is Mr Kenyatta’s campaign which has a sense of momentum and his supporters seem very confident of victory.
Mr Kenyatta’s main policy objective is to introduce far-reaching land reform, giving thousands of small Kenyan farmers and slum-dwellers the right to own property, with the effect of enabling them to get credit, start businesses and lift themselves out of poverty. He also promises to get tough on corruption.
Mr Odinga has promised to introduce universal health care and free education to university level if he is re-elected. His economic growth plans, he has said, will create a million new jobs.
The violence which has left such a poisonous legacy in Kenya broke out with the first results from the extraordinarily close presidential election in December 2007.
Things quickly got out of hand after Mr Odinga, then the challenger, claimed that he was the true winner and said his victory had been stolen by the incumbent president Mwai Kibaki, whom Mr Kenyatta supported.
Mr Kibaki – who has served two terms as president and is not running again – declared himself the victor hours after the polls closed, while the result was still in dispute.
As Mr Kibaki was sworn in as president, mobs of furious Odinga supporters, mostly from the Luo tribe, started attacking their Kikuyu neighbours, who voted for Mr Kibaki and Mr Kenyatta. They were stirred up by demagogues, inflammatory phone texts and radio phone-in hosts who whipped up tribal hatreds.
As the dust slowly settled, Kofi Annan, the former head of the United Nations, came in to broker a coalition government which included all three men: Mr Kibaki, Mr Odinga and Mr Kenyatta. The ICC was called in by Kenya’s parliament as a relatively neutral way to seek justice.
The accusation against Mr Kenyatta is that he met criminals from a notorious gang called the Munggiki in Nairobi and urged them to carry out revenge attacks against Mr Odinga’s supporters. It is a familiar story in African politics – the big man giving the green light to the thugs in his own community to go out and teach his enemies a lesson. Many Kenyans doubt it, and believe he may have done no more than organise some tough characters to help protect his own community.
The charges certainly don’t seem to have stifled campaign enthusiasm. His team flew into the Saturday rally in six helicopters – Forbes magazine has described him as Kenya’s richest man – before he drove into Eldoret in triumph.
“These young men need jobs. That is what my campaign is about,” he said before plunging into a cheering crowd to shake hands, his red Jubilee coalition baseball cap balanced precariously. on his head. But there can be no doubt that the ICC indictment hurts his campaign.
“Our voters are juvenile. They do not understand anything beyond voting for the representative of their tribe and they don’t realise how much trouble this could cause Kenya,” said John Origi, a civil servant from Nairobi.
Apart from anything else, Mr Kenyatta could soon have the problem of trying to run Kenya from a Dutch courtroom where he must defend himself for the course of a three-year trial, although his lawyers say they hope to get the case dropped.
If he loses the election, at least he knows what will happen next.
As one wag wrote in a letter to a Nairobi newspaper last week: “President Odinga will put him in a military helicopter and fly him straight to the court in Holland.”
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/africaandindianocean/kenya/9859936/Uhuru-Kenyatta-Kenyan-presidential-candidate-faces-trial-for-crimes-against-humanity-the-day-after-election.html
I Uhuru’s Political Career Is Finished,http://www.the-star.co.ke/news/article-1….career-finished published in the Star on Saturday, I compare the political career of Uhuru Kenyatta to that of OJ Simpson and conclude much as OJ’s career was finished after being charged with the double murder of his wife and one other person, so too is Uhuru’s political career finished after being charged with the serious crimes against humanity he now faces at the Hague.
I also urge Uhuru to abandon his presidential quest and even endorse Raila.
Read more: http://jukwaa.proboards.com/index.cgi?board=general&action=display&thread=7916#ixzz2KajLANe1
Is this White-man fearing black-power?