Why are people surprised about what happened in Eastleigh it was literally a time bomb waiting to explode
between the Bantus and the Somalis and i don’t mean the terrorist attack.
The Bantus are a bunch of lazy human beings you go to any continent on this planet and you will realize that i’m telling the truth and not just being racist. These Kenyans don’t know how to do business so just like in South-Africa seeing a Somali whether they be indigenous or refugees do the opposite makes them sick to their stomach. Their GDP by the way is only $33.62 billion and their per Capita is only 2/3rd bigger than Somalia a country where there were no government for the last 20 years.
I say to all my Somalis reading this in Kenya first of all what you have seen in these few last days is nothing compared to whats about to happen in the coming elections so make sure you’re prepared or be in serious grave danger.
Or say enough’s enough its time for us to pack up our bags and sell Eastleigh and relocate to if you don’t want it to be Somalia (which i kind of understand Somalia being in this circumstance) the North East Province of Kenya where at least you’ll be the majority instead of being in the middle of your majority enemy.
Last but not least do i have to remind people that when it comes to small enterprises (the beating heart of every other country’s economy) the Horners particularly the Somalis have over taken the Asians even to an extant of some of them having to leave the country. The Kenyans greatest weapon against the Somalis in return is knowing they will never altogether leave the country because of NFD so see it not as an grave danger to abuse them.
Let the troublesome somalis går back to their land and face alshabab. Kenya has been too kind for long. Somalis are troble makers, it’s high time to sweep them out of the country.Transport them with lorries to mogadishu,why put Kenya into chao,s instead of appreciating it’s goodness and do the best for this country that has given u shelter from bombs and hunger?
KABOGO denied a VISA ……. May use it to carry DRUGS
The Kenyan DAILY POST News 01:03
Thursday November 22, 2012 – Juja MP William kabogo was denied a diplomatic visa to travel to Saudi Arabia for a rescue mission due to his involvement in drug trafficking, DAILY POST has established
Kabogo was ordered last month by House Speaker Kenneth Marende to go to Saudi Arabia and rescue a woman said to be detained by her employer early last month.
Marende had directed Foreign Affairs Ministry to include Mr Kabogo in the rescue mission.
Over a month later, the MP informed parliament that the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs denied him a diplomatic visa that would allow him to follow up on the matter, adding that he did not want the normal visa as it would limit him.
Unconfirmed reports indicate that the PS feared Kabogo may use the immunity provided in the diplomatic visa to carry his “dirty drugs” because diplomatic luggage is not scrutinized at the airport.
Kenya has been ranked among the world’s 20 most unstable countries in an annual ” failed-state index” published by a Washington think tank.
The distinction of being a “failed state” is inarguably damning, but the 12 indicators factored into this determination highlight how complex it is to measure the weakness of states,” says part of a statement on the magazine’s website.
A wide range of issues – wars, hunger, brutal dictatorships, child mortality, economic failure, mass epidemics, political infighting, and the devastating aftermath of natural disasters – push countries to the brink of failure, or right over the edge.
2013’s Failed States Index- the ninth annual collaboration between Foreign Policy and the Fund For Peace – assessed 178 countries and ranks each by its total score, with 120 the maximum score a country can achieve (the higher a country’s rank and score, the weaker the state).
Some of the indicators given include IDPs camps, human flights and brain drain, group grievance, uneven economic development, poverty and economic decline, public services, state legitimacy, demographic pressures, public services, human rights and rule of law, security apparatus, factionalised elites and external intervention.
Why describing African countries as ‘failed states’ always gets their goat
By CHARLES ONYANGO-OBBO
It is that time of the year when the “Failed States Index”, which is prepared by the Washington-based think-tank, Fund for Peace, and published by Foreign Policy magazine, comes out.
And it is time for people in many countries that are rated poorly to get very angry.
The view among most people in Kenya seems to be that the country always gets a bad rap in the Failed States Index. This year was no exception.
Kenya is ranked among the world’s 20 most unstable countries. It is the worst performer in the East African Community, as Burundi is three places better at 20th.
Uganda is close by at 22nd; Rwanda a little better up the road at 38th, and Tanzania is in a league of its own at 65th.
That means Tanzania is in the class of China (66th), and Israel (67th). Finland, Sweden and Norway are deemed the world’s three most stable states. And, perhaps unsurprisingly, Somalia is Number One – the most unstable.
There is a whole industry around criticising the Failed States Index. Some say it is racist and anti-African, and claim that like the International Criminal Court at The Hague, it targets African countries and lumps them in the worst category. Of course, in Africa itself, quite a few people think it is spot-on.
The more technical critics say the rankings are arbitrary, and that comparative degrees of instability cannot be measured scientifically.
As an indicator of how impassioned this debate can be, check the Daily Nation website.
The approved comments on the story after less than two days were nearly 600. If the commenting had been unmoderated, that number would have been over 1,000.
Among the few things that generate that kind of response are controversial Sunday Nation columnist Makau Mutua’s articles. Some of his pieces in which he pokes power in the eyes, bring in around approved 400 comments.
A friend, a very thoughtful Kenyan who follows these things closely, upon reading the story, wrote to me to say that the presence of conflict (an important element in deciding how failed a state is) is not an indication of failing states.
My friend’s view was that a better measure of the stability of states, especially in Africa, is the UN’s World Health Organisation’s Cholera Country Profile.
“The persistent presence of cholera is the best indicator that the state is failing those living under its watch”, he said. I had never heard of the WHO Cholera Profile, so I looked it up.
The WHO Cholera Country Profile is not good news for Kenya and Tanzania. Kenya, the data suggests, has had cholera outbreaks since 1971. Tanzania’s cholera profile is not brilliant either, but is slightly better than Kenya’s.
What might be surprising is that, in East Africa at least, Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi have not had deadly cholera outbreaks in a long time now. Most times, their outbreaks are limited and there are no casualties.
There is no explanation for why this is the case, and looking at other data about sanitation levels and access to clean water doesn’t seem to explain it either.
Which brings us to other possible ways in which we might approach this vexed issue of failed or unstable states.
…………………
How to read the Failed States Index for Kenya
August 7, 2013 | By KWAME OWINO
Two months ago, the Fund For Peace (FFP) published the 2013 edition of the Failed States Index in one international journal. A number of literate Kenyans reviewed the headline results and reacted in ways that suggest that many are troubled by the title of this publication in addition to its implications.
An understanding of what the index measures and the possible uses of that information show that most of those comments represented an incomplete understanding and therefore irrelevant responses to the report.
The methodology note embedded in the full report here, explains that the information is gathered through a proprietary analytical platform Conflict Assessment Software Tool (CAST).
It consolidates data from various sources and weights them in accordance with established priorities to generate rankings. Judging entirely from its description and by articles describing the tool, there is no evidence of systematic biases against cultures, regions or specific continents. The argument of bias has no support and should be absent from properly weighed policy discourse.
The ninth edition of the FSI score published in June 2013 is an aggregation of twelve social, economic and political indicators that development scholars understand as triggers or predictors of the possibility of the unravelling states.
As designed, the overall score for a country ranges from 12 to 120 owing to the fact that each indicator is on a scale from 1-10. Because the FSI indicators are designed on an ascending scale, they higher the index, the more fragile that country is in comparative terms. With an overall score of 99.6, Kenya ranked 17 of the 178 countries. Of significance for Kenya is that this ranking has shown a consistent deterioration over five years preceding the latest score, suggesting that the fragility of the state has increased. In the five year period, Kenya’s best rank was 27th and in the moderately safer portion of those in the alert zone.
This decline in ranking ought to be the primary concern of Kenyans because it suggests that irrespective of the acceptance of its utility, the FSI suggests that Kenya has had better performance but has found difficulty in consolidating that.
That fact is far more salient point concerned people than a blanket condemnation of the FSI and a claim of prejudice and as assault on a nation.
Admittedly, the FSI makes more sense when the constituent indicators are viewed individually. Three areas in which Kenya scores best are a comparative measure of relief in human rights violations, amelioration in sharp economic decline and lower degree of recognizable human flight with scores ranging from 7.1 to 8.1.
No objective person would hold a sensible argument that some progress over time has not been made in these three areas. On the other hand, the scores for the categories on a factionalized elite, feelings of group grievance and mounting demographic pressures are worthy of a good look.
The scores here confront a person who would state that this nation’s public affairs excel in these three areas. The poor scores have disproportionately affected the overall ranking and the deterioration over time. Noting that the scores for these factors range from 9.1 to 9.0 suggests that these areas represent possibility for vast improvement.
It is possible to state that the FSI weights political factors far too highly because they constitute a disproportionate share of the indicators. Under its classification of economic indicators, uneven economic development and poverty and economic decline are the only ones under consideration.
These are important for those who believe the overwhelming public policy project is growth and income security for Kenyans. Here too, known differences by region, income groups and urban and rural biases evident in policy suggest that the FSI captures sources those fairly.
It is immensely difficult to support claims of long-term stability and reduced fragility with the levels of income inequality and differentials in access to public services that exist in Kenya. Better news emerges from a survey of the indicator on poverty and economic decline because the former has reduced relative to earlier years while economic growth is momentarily on the upward trend.
In conclusion, the FSI rightly generates surprises for inward looking citizens because it exposes the tendency to temper reality with nationalistic zeal. It teaches as well that state failure is not about absolute events but is a matter of degree and the scale is a continuum.
That it generally places countries with higher incomes as more stable is itself a reflection of the fact that real state stability provides a broad platform for starting and maintaining longer term growth. For Kenyans, there is some good news that can be gleaned from the FSI 2013 and this is often missed in adopting an unnecessarily defensive posture against anything that ranks countries against each other.
The report would form a good basis for discussions among Kenyans citizens. Let’s start before the 2014 report is here because the CAST software is gathering the data anyway. The ranking will be there and what matters is whether Kenyans are prepared to use its findings for discourse.
Indeed a proper encounter with the report would be useful in affecting future ranking as it would provide remote evidence that the citizens and administration do take objective results seriously.
Kwame Owino is the Chief executive Officer of the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA-Kenya), a public policy think tank based in Nairobi, Kenya. Prior to appointment at CEO of IEA-Kenya, Kwame worked as the research officer for its economic regulation programme and wrote policy briefs and participated in policy dialogue in competition policy, employment economics and regulation policy.
Why are people surprised about what happened in Eastleigh it was literally a time bomb waiting to explode
between the Bantus and the Somalis and i don’t mean the terrorist attack.
The Bantus are a bunch of lazy human beings you go to any continent on this planet and you will realize that i’m telling the truth and not just being racist. These Kenyans don’t know how to do business so just like in South-Africa seeing a Somali whether they be indigenous or refugees do the opposite makes them sick to their stomach. Their GDP by the way is only $33.62 billion and their per Capita is only 2/3rd bigger than Somalia a country where there were no government for the last 20 years.
I say to all my Somalis reading this in Kenya first of all what you have seen in these few last days is nothing compared to whats about to happen in the coming elections so make sure you’re prepared or be in serious grave danger.
Or say enough’s enough its time for us to pack up our bags and sell Eastleigh and relocate to if you don’t want it to be Somalia (which i kind of understand Somalia being in this circumstance) the North East Province of Kenya where at least you’ll be the majority instead of being in the middle of your majority enemy.
Last but not least do i have to remind people that when it comes to small enterprises (the beating heart of every other country’s economy) the Horners particularly the Somalis have over taken the Asians even to an extant of some of them having to leave the country. The Kenyans greatest weapon against the Somalis in return is knowing they will never altogether leave the country because of NFD so see it not as an grave danger to abuse them.
Let the troublesome somalis går back to their land and face alshabab. Kenya has been too kind for long. Somalis are troble makers, it’s high time to sweep them out of the country.Transport them with lorries to mogadishu,why put Kenya into chao,s instead of appreciating it’s goodness and do the best for this country that has given u shelter from bombs and hunger?
KABOGO denied a VISA ……. May use it to carry DRUGS
The Kenyan DAILY POST News 01:03
Thursday November 22, 2012 – Juja MP William kabogo was denied a diplomatic visa to travel to Saudi Arabia for a rescue mission due to his involvement in drug trafficking, DAILY POST has established
Kabogo was ordered last month by House Speaker Kenneth Marende to go to Saudi Arabia and rescue a woman said to be detained by her employer early last month.
Marende had directed Foreign Affairs Ministry to include Mr Kabogo in the rescue mission.
Over a month later, the MP informed parliament that the Permanent Secretary in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs denied him a diplomatic visa that would allow him to follow up on the matter, adding that he did not want the normal visa as it would limit him.
Unconfirmed reports indicate that the PS feared Kabogo may use the immunity provided in the diplomatic visa to carry his “dirty drugs” because diplomatic luggage is not scrutinized at the airport.
The Kenyan DAILY POST
Kenya Ranked 17 in Annual Failed-State Index
Kenya has been ranked among the world’s 20 most unstable countries in an annual ” failed-state index” published by a Washington think tank.
The distinction of being a “failed state” is inarguably damning, but the 12 indicators factored into this determination highlight how complex it is to measure the weakness of states,” says part of a statement on the magazine’s website.
A wide range of issues – wars, hunger, brutal dictatorships, child mortality, economic failure, mass epidemics, political infighting, and the devastating aftermath of natural disasters – push countries to the brink of failure, or right over the edge.
2013’s Failed States Index- the ninth annual collaboration between Foreign Policy and the Fund For Peace – assessed 178 countries and ranks each by its total score, with 120 the maximum score a country can achieve (the higher a country’s rank and score, the weaker the state).
Some of the indicators given include IDPs camps, human flights and brain drain, group grievance, uneven economic development, poverty and economic decline, public services, state legitimacy, demographic pressures, public services, human rights and rule of law, security apparatus, factionalised elites and external intervention.
http://ffp.statesindex.org/rankings-2013-sortable
Why describing African countries as ‘failed states’ always gets their goat
By CHARLES ONYANGO-OBBO
It is that time of the year when the “Failed States Index”, which is prepared by the Washington-based think-tank, Fund for Peace, and published by Foreign Policy magazine, comes out.
And it is time for people in many countries that are rated poorly to get very angry.
The view among most people in Kenya seems to be that the country always gets a bad rap in the Failed States Index. This year was no exception.
Kenya is ranked among the world’s 20 most unstable countries. It is the worst performer in the East African Community, as Burundi is three places better at 20th.
Uganda is close by at 22nd; Rwanda a little better up the road at 38th, and Tanzania is in a league of its own at 65th.
That means Tanzania is in the class of China (66th), and Israel (67th). Finland, Sweden and Norway are deemed the world’s three most stable states. And, perhaps unsurprisingly, Somalia is Number One – the most unstable.
There is a whole industry around criticising the Failed States Index. Some say it is racist and anti-African, and claim that like the International Criminal Court at The Hague, it targets African countries and lumps them in the worst category. Of course, in Africa itself, quite a few people think it is spot-on.
The more technical critics say the rankings are arbitrary, and that comparative degrees of instability cannot be measured scientifically.
As an indicator of how impassioned this debate can be, check the Daily Nation website.
The approved comments on the story after less than two days were nearly 600. If the commenting had been unmoderated, that number would have been over 1,000.
Among the few things that generate that kind of response are controversial Sunday Nation columnist Makau Mutua’s articles. Some of his pieces in which he pokes power in the eyes, bring in around approved 400 comments.
A friend, a very thoughtful Kenyan who follows these things closely, upon reading the story, wrote to me to say that the presence of conflict (an important element in deciding how failed a state is) is not an indication of failing states.
My friend’s view was that a better measure of the stability of states, especially in Africa, is the UN’s World Health Organisation’s Cholera Country Profile.
“The persistent presence of cholera is the best indicator that the state is failing those living under its watch”, he said. I had never heard of the WHO Cholera Profile, so I looked it up.
The WHO Cholera Country Profile is not good news for Kenya and Tanzania. Kenya, the data suggests, has had cholera outbreaks since 1971. Tanzania’s cholera profile is not brilliant either, but is slightly better than Kenya’s.
What might be surprising is that, in East Africa at least, Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi have not had deadly cholera outbreaks in a long time now. Most times, their outbreaks are limited and there are no casualties.
There is no explanation for why this is the case, and looking at other data about sanitation levels and access to clean water doesn’t seem to explain it either.
Which brings us to other possible ways in which we might approach this vexed issue of failed or unstable states.
…………………
How to read the Failed States Index for Kenya
August 7, 2013 | By KWAME OWINO
Two months ago, the Fund For Peace (FFP) published the 2013 edition of the Failed States Index in one international journal. A number of literate Kenyans reviewed the headline results and reacted in ways that suggest that many are troubled by the title of this publication in addition to its implications.
An understanding of what the index measures and the possible uses of that information show that most of those comments represented an incomplete understanding and therefore irrelevant responses to the report.
The methodology note embedded in the full report here, explains that the information is gathered through a proprietary analytical platform Conflict Assessment Software Tool (CAST).
It consolidates data from various sources and weights them in accordance with established priorities to generate rankings. Judging entirely from its description and by articles describing the tool, there is no evidence of systematic biases against cultures, regions or specific continents. The argument of bias has no support and should be absent from properly weighed policy discourse.
The ninth edition of the FSI score published in June 2013 is an aggregation of twelve social, economic and political indicators that development scholars understand as triggers or predictors of the possibility of the unravelling states.
As designed, the overall score for a country ranges from 12 to 120 owing to the fact that each indicator is on a scale from 1-10. Because the FSI indicators are designed on an ascending scale, they higher the index, the more fragile that country is in comparative terms. With an overall score of 99.6, Kenya ranked 17 of the 178 countries. Of significance for Kenya is that this ranking has shown a consistent deterioration over five years preceding the latest score, suggesting that the fragility of the state has increased. In the five year period, Kenya’s best rank was 27th and in the moderately safer portion of those in the alert zone.
This decline in ranking ought to be the primary concern of Kenyans because it suggests that irrespective of the acceptance of its utility, the FSI suggests that Kenya has had better performance but has found difficulty in consolidating that.
That fact is far more salient point concerned people than a blanket condemnation of the FSI and a claim of prejudice and as assault on a nation.
Admittedly, the FSI makes more sense when the constituent indicators are viewed individually. Three areas in which Kenya scores best are a comparative measure of relief in human rights violations, amelioration in sharp economic decline and lower degree of recognizable human flight with scores ranging from 7.1 to 8.1.
No objective person would hold a sensible argument that some progress over time has not been made in these three areas. On the other hand, the scores for the categories on a factionalized elite, feelings of group grievance and mounting demographic pressures are worthy of a good look.
The scores here confront a person who would state that this nation’s public affairs excel in these three areas. The poor scores have disproportionately affected the overall ranking and the deterioration over time. Noting that the scores for these factors range from 9.1 to 9.0 suggests that these areas represent possibility for vast improvement.
It is possible to state that the FSI weights political factors far too highly because they constitute a disproportionate share of the indicators. Under its classification of economic indicators, uneven economic development and poverty and economic decline are the only ones under consideration.
These are important for those who believe the overwhelming public policy project is growth and income security for Kenyans. Here too, known differences by region, income groups and urban and rural biases evident in policy suggest that the FSI captures sources those fairly.
It is immensely difficult to support claims of long-term stability and reduced fragility with the levels of income inequality and differentials in access to public services that exist in Kenya. Better news emerges from a survey of the indicator on poverty and economic decline because the former has reduced relative to earlier years while economic growth is momentarily on the upward trend.
In conclusion, the FSI rightly generates surprises for inward looking citizens because it exposes the tendency to temper reality with nationalistic zeal. It teaches as well that state failure is not about absolute events but is a matter of degree and the scale is a continuum.
That it generally places countries with higher incomes as more stable is itself a reflection of the fact that real state stability provides a broad platform for starting and maintaining longer term growth. For Kenyans, there is some good news that can be gleaned from the FSI 2013 and this is often missed in adopting an unnecessarily defensive posture against anything that ranks countries against each other.
The report would form a good basis for discussions among Kenyans citizens. Let’s start before the 2014 report is here because the CAST software is gathering the data anyway. The ranking will be there and what matters is whether Kenyans are prepared to use its findings for discourse.
Indeed a proper encounter with the report would be useful in affecting future ranking as it would provide remote evidence that the citizens and administration do take objective results seriously.
Kwame Owino is the Chief executive Officer of the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA-Kenya), a public policy think tank based in Nairobi, Kenya. Prior to appointment at CEO of IEA-Kenya, Kwame worked as the research officer for its economic regulation programme and wrote policy briefs and participated in policy dialogue in competition policy, employment economics and regulation policy.