April 10, 2014
I have been silent, watching slanders from Göran who has been tarnishing my name and even making accusations against me but the truth shall always prevail. No one knows the truth about our collapsed relationship more than me and the Kenyan Embassy which has been investigating this matter.
I, Margaret Maragwa, reported constant abuse against me to the Swedish police. I told police that Mr. Göran Skog, a Swedish citizen, once beat me, almost to death while I was pregnant. I ended up being admitted to hospital in critical condition and later taken to a women’s shelter.
This is not a fabrication and I can substantiate everything I am saying to anybody at any time. After beating me and leaving me for dead, Mr. Skog later organized with social workers to grab my sweet baby from me. Currently, I don’t know the whereabouts of my baby. He is the only one now allowed to pay visits to the baby.
I have, on several occasions, raised serious concerns about the well-being of my child but all the time, what I get is torture, humiliation, discrimination and racism. Göran is well known to the Social authorities in Hörby as a drunkard, child abuser and woman molester but they still leave him to see the baby because he is white. Instead of helping me, the social authorities are covering him up while keeping me away because they want to deport me to Kenya. They want to raise my child without me after stealing my baby.
If the accusations and allegations Göran made against me were true, why is he threatening my life? Furthermore, he is an alcoholic, a rapist and has a criminal record. Is this justice? Why does the Swedish authorities like covering whites even after they have killed, murdered and brutalized women? Göran Skog has tortured me and now he wants me to keep quiet? I will fight for my rights until justice is done and those who are talking rubbish about me can just continue but one day, justice will be done. As for Göran, know that I will never rest until I get my baby back. This is just the beginning.
April 6, 2014
Having inherited massive wealth created illegally by his parents (Jomo Kenyatta and Mama Ngina), President Uhuru Kenyatta is possibly lacking the political will to fight corruption. There is no way the Kenyattas could have legally acquired the noted 500,000 acres of land which they own. If Jomo was a beneficiary of the British loan scheme for resettling Kenyans, then the family should produce documents to verify the acquisitions. In his memoir “Walking in Kenyatta’s Struggles” Duncan Ndegwa, who was the first African Governor of Central Bank of Kenya, wrote that one day Kenyatta rewarded himself with a huge colonial farmhouse, after a day’s ‘work’ of parceling land to a group of former freedom fighters (Mau Mau).
Mama Ngina and Uhuru’s elder step-sister Margaret Kenyatta, were implicated in ivory smuggling in the 1970s as documented by author Charles Hornsby in his book: “Kenya: A History Since Independence (1963-2011)”. Here’s an excerpt: “One problem was that the Kenyatta family itself was implicated in both poaching and ivory exports. Margaret Kenyatta, Kenyatta’s daughter, was chairman of the United African Company, one of at least 10 companies exporting ivory despite the ban. Ivory could earn Ksh300 (US$36) per kilogram, making one elephant worth thousands of dollars. Other valuable items included zebra pelts (5,000 of these animals were shot illegally within 320 miles of Nairobi in six months during 1975) and colobus monkey skins. In 1975, two men were found in possession of 26,000 colobus monkey skins (more than the total remaining population today).”
Jon Tinker also wrote in the New Scientist magazine on May 22 1975, about their involvement in ivory poaching: “The identity of these ivory queens is a matter of common gossip in Nairobi, and the most prominent of them are said to be Mama Ngina and Margaret Kenyatta, respectively wife and daughter to the President. In Kenya today, you can be sent to prison for what is called rumour-mongering, so in this article I shall confine myself to provable fact. And there is now documentary proof that at least one member of Kenya’s Royal family has recently shipped over six tons of ivory to Red China. Moreover, in spite of repeated denials from the Kenyan wildlife ministry that they have issued any licences to deal in or export raw ivory, this trading is being carried out with the active connivance of the highest officials in the game department.”
Uhuru’s past record in Government
Uhuru held various ministerial dockets under the leadership of former presidents Moi and Kibaki. However, there is no clear indication that he fought corruption, especially as Finance Minister from January 2009 to January 2012, when he resigned after the International Criminal Court (ICC) confirmed its case against him, for being involved in the post election violence (PEV) which occurred in 2007-08. His contribution to the then new Transport Policy which aimed to eradicate the mismanagement, high maintenance cost and inefficienct use of vehicles in the public sector, was the controversial purchase of 120 Volkswagen Passat cars from CMC Holdings Ltd without a competitive bid, to be used by ministers and senior government officers.
Now that Uhuru is president, how come his Cabinet Secretaries took advantage of the gap before the new fiscal year in June 2013, to purchase fuel-guzzlers that he had barred during his term at the Treasury? How then, is his Government cutting public expenditure while his own officers squander public money?
Uhuru Kenyatta encountered a “computer error” during the 2009/10 Fiscal Year, which may have cost the taxpayer KES 9.67 billion. Despite being cleared of any wrongdoing, over KES 700 billion could not be accounted for on his watch as Finance Minister.
Uhuru has no record of having paid taxes as former MP for Gatundu South, Minister and Deputy Prime Minister, at least from a court petition filed in 2013 to block him from contesting the presidency for the same reason. Therefore, he is not in a position to question the integrity of public office holders. This holds too for his deputy William Ruto, who was ordered by a court last year to pay KES 5 million as compensation to Mr. Adrian Muteshi for having grabbed his 100-acre piece of land during the PEV.
Under Uhuru’s presidency, sections of the 2013 report by the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission which questioned the illegal acquisition of vast tracts of land by his family and relatives, were deleted. Moreover, the report has not been implemented.
We don’t know how much the ICC cases of Uhuru and Ruto are costing Kenya’s ruthlessly exploited taxpayers since 2013. Lobbying AU Member States to push for the termination of the cases, Ruto’s claimed ‘Hustler’s Jet’ trip of around KES 25 million and trips to The Hague, are not cheap ventures.
The standard gauge railway (SGR) project commissioned by Uhuru in November 2013 is a brewing scandal which could cost Kenyans a loss of KES 400 billion because of irregularities in the tendering process. Its initial estimated cost of KES 220 billion was inflated to KES 334.8 billion and is currently at KES 1.3 trillion. Some experts have argued that it would cost the country less money to upgrade the existing railway line, and still achieve what Uhuru’s government wants with the scandalous project.
In 2002, Dr. John Mutonyi conceptualized corruption in Kenya and gave glowing recommendations for fighting it in his journal article titled “’Fighting corruption: Is Kenya on the right track?” Interestingly, he was one of retired President Kibaki’s anti-corruption commissioners at the former Kenya Anti-Corruption Commission, but he was colorless in enforcing the recommendations he wrote. His scientific paper was only good at portraying how former President Moi had failed in the anti-corruption war. When his homeboy Kibaki campaigned in 2002, he pledged to eradicate corruption. However, by the time he was ending his presidency in 2013, the act was so deeply-rooted in the country it will require a decisive leader to control it.
Given Uhuru Kenyatta’s history in Government, there is little hope that he will effectively fight corruption.
March 31, 2014
Karundi Mathenge was laid to rest on Saturday, March 22 2014 in Nyeri. The funeral was attended by, among others, Kenya’s Chief Justice, Dr. Willy Mutunga who was Karundi teacher at the University of Nairobi when the late Karundi was studying Law. It is notable that despite his busy schedule, Dr. Mutunga managed to get time to be part of relatives and friends who gathered at the homestead to be part of Karundi’s his final send off.
During fund raising in Stockholm for Karundi’s funeral expenses, some friends could not make it to the two harambees that were organized but sent their contributions after Karundi had been buried. These contributions amounted to Ksh 5.147 and have since been sent to the Karundi family by Mr. Martin Ngatia, one of the Karundi harambee initiative takers in Stockholm. The funds were sent to Karundi’s brother who has been handling the funds from Stockholm on behalf of the family.
Following the conclusion of Karundi’s funeral, the Karundi family in Kenya would like to thank all friends in Stockholm who contributed generously towards the Karundi funeral fund. Through Karundi’s brother, the family would like to make it known that they were extremely moved by the action of Karundi’s friends in Stockholm who intervened financially at short notice to help the family with the huge financial burden that came with the demise of Karundi.
“On behalf of the family, I take this opportunity to send the family’s gratitude for the solidarity friends in Stockholm showed us”, Karundi’s brother told KSB.
Karundi’s strategy from exile
When he left for Kenya during President Mwai Kibaki’s first term in office, Karundi did not have a lot of hopes and expectations about any dramatic political developments in Kenya under the Narc regime. Although he was the Chairman of Kibaki’s Democratic Party (DP) in Stockholm, Karundi remained open to friends and political acquaintances with the fact that DP (which was part of the Narc bandwagon) had no policies and strategies which would transform Kenya and get rid of the daily problems of corruption, high unemployment, tribalism in government and the general underdevelopment that had ruined millions of lives in Kenya.
However, Karundi expected that upon his arrival in Kenya, he would get an opportunity to serve the people of Kenya under the Kibaki regime that had come to power by a landslide majority. Karundi knew Kibaki personally and when Kibaki visited Stockholm in the late 90s, Kibaki did eat ugali at Karundi’s house in Alby during an exclusive dinner hosted in Kibaki’s honour. Just before he left for Kenya, Karundi received several assurances from the Kibaki regime that upon his arrival, he would be absorbed into the Party and well positioned to serve the Nation by bringing in new ideas he had accumulated from exile. Unfortunately, this did not happen because after landing in Kenya, Karundi continued to be ignored, isolated and prevented from getting contact with the then President Mwai Kibaki who was in power.
As he engaged in conversations with friends in Stockholm ahead of his final departure to Kenya, Karundi’s strategy was that once he arrived home, he would be able to work within the Party to propose viable political solutions he had developed over the years to help the Narc regime deal with the challenges it was facing. Karundi left Stockholm at a time when millions of Kenyans had great hopes in the new Narc regime which, despite its capitalist orientation, was seen as “different from Kanu” on grounds that dictator Moi had left the scene after 24 years of misrule. What was unknown to Karundi was that a cabal of devoted mafia elements who surrounded Kibaki had become too protective of the President and limited access to him in a way that Karundi could have no chance of getting his point to Kibaki, leave alone getting absorbed into the system.
The catastrophic disadvantage that weighed heavily against Karundi’s ambitions of making contact with President Kibaki was that Kibaki’s senility was in constant progression. This development is responsible for the easy take-over of State House business by the Mount Kenya mafia which was increasingly becoming restless as a result of the tension and political consequences that came with the battle between Kibaki and Raila Odinga following the betrayal and dumping of the Memorandum of Understanding that was secretly concocted and signed when Narc was being cobbled ahead of the 2002 elections.
Karundi kept at bay by Kibaki’s handlers
For the Mafia cartel that took charge of the Narc looting agenda and that decided on who could meet Kibaki, Karundi’s entry in Kenya from exile in Sweden was insignificant. This was because apart from fighting Raila’s LDP forces who had literally crippled the government, the Mafia was busy looting State coffers and as one scandal after another exploded in the media, the Mafia was more preoccupied with covering up their murky tracks and trying to contain the scandals than paying attention to a newly arrived former exile in the name of Karundi Mathenge. Worse still, Kibaki’s regime was violating human rights with impunity and, in the process, executing innocent civilians at an alarming rate. Under the circumstances, inviting Karundi to join Kibaki’s inner circle could have been tantamount to inviting a fierce detective at the scene of crime.
Another hitch which may have been unknown to Karundi was that Kibaki’s kitchen cabinet and Security homeboys that formed part of the State House mechanism knew that Karundi had very radical views that did not fit in DP’s framework of political solutions to Kenya’s problems. For example, Karundi was against land grabbing yet Kibaki was in the league of top land grabbers in Kenya. From the point of view of this corrupt elite, admitting Karundi (who remained non compromising on the question of corruption, human rights violations, tribalism in government, exploitation of workers and political opportunism) into the inner sanctum of the President’s palace was politically suicidal. It is for this reason that every attempt by Karundi to try and get to Kibaki was routinely frustrated until Karundi gave up.
Retreat into quiet life
Kenya-Stockholmers in the know will remember the number of times Karundi communicated to friends his frustrations with the new Narc regime, the shielding of the President by thieves in government and his inability to play any role in the political process due obstructions by personalities who believed that he was more of a threat to the establishment than a political asset. The mistreatment of Karundi at the hands of Kibaki’s handlers was hardly surprising.
When the possibility of him being ignored by the ruling elite was raised by some Kenyans during Karundi’s farewell Party in Stockholm, the late was adamant that he had received guarantees from the highest levels of government whom, he said, were aware about his impending arrival. Karundi drew parallels with the arrival in Kenya of the late Kenyan exile, Onyango Osumba, who had a more dramatic reception. Raila had not only mobilized top LDP officials to meet Mr. Onyango but also ensured a respectable media coverage at Jomo Kenyatta Internationa Airport. Although Onyango later encountered his own problems with the political big wigs of LDP, he never suffered the indignity of being kept at bay from top LDP leadership. Needless to say, Onyango was properly integrated into the LDP system, unlike Karundi whose arrival was never even acknowledged.
Frustrated, abandoned and left to waste away in political cold storage, Karundi gave up trying to link up with DP or getting in touch with Kibaki. He retreated into quiet life to observe events from a distance as he reflected on the developments and let-downs by political contacts.
As he withdrew into himself, cancer that had affected his throat was also taking its toll. Strong medication was weakening him and when he eventually entered into chemotherapy as the disease threatened his life, his frail body gave in and he quietly passed away in his sleep one early morning.
Karundi’s burial on 22nd March 2014 represented the end of a life of struggle, solidarity and frustrations. What is certain is that Karundi Mathenge’s struggles for a better Kenya will remain embedded in the hearts and minds of all those who knew him. The values he fought for, the political ideals he stood for and the Kenya he wanted are far from being realized. His death will remain a constant reminder to fighters still standing that the struggle against the system must continue.
March 28, 2014
It is with great sadness that we, relatives and friends, remember the sudden demise of Calvin George Bwengye who passed away in Uganda and who has since been buried in his homeland.
As the fond memories of Calvin continue to imbue the minds of all those who knew and cherished him in life, relatives and friends would hereby like to invite all concerned parties and acquaintances to a Memorial service that will take place at Skarpnäck church (T-Skarpnäck) on Saturday, 29th March 2014 at 14.00 sharp.
After the service, there will be a dinner and get-together moment at Bohusgatan 25 in Skanstull on the same day, 29th March from 17.00 hrs. Calvin was born on 21st July 1964 and passed away on 6th March 2014.
For further information, contact: Mary Bwengye on 0767 449 893, Gloria Sebalu on 0708 451 180 or Godfrey Etyang on 0735 046 385. May the soul of the late Calvin Rest in Eternal Peace.