Raila Odinga: Nationalist or Tribal Chief? A Rebuttal

On January 7, 2008 Uganda’s leading independent newspaper, the Daily Monitor, published an article by journalist Hassan Isilow titled: “Raila; Nationalist or Tribal Chief?” which labeled him as a tribal chief. I have decided to repost my rebuttal to Hassan, which challenged his analysis. I firmly believe that Prime Minister Raila Amolo Odinga is currently the most qualified contender for the presidency, largely because of his consistent participation in the struggle for democracy in Kenya. Hassan’s article is available as premium content at Allfrica.com

“I wish to respond to Hassan Isilow’s biased and uninformed opinion which questioned whether Mr. Raila (a leading Kenyan politician) is a tribal chief or nationalist. In Hassan’s poorly researched piece, he dismissed as lies many “written conflicting praise stories” attributed to both Raila and his father, the late Jaramogi Oginga Odinga.

Hassan unashamedly refused to recognize Jaramogi for his great contribution to multi-party politics in the 1990s, which opened up the democratic space currently being enjoyed by Kenyans. Likewise, he poured scorn on Raila Odinga’s role in the struggle for democracy which got him detained in the 1980s, during the regime of former President Daniel Moi.

Isilow generalized that tribal loyalty is a key element within the socio-economic life of Kenyans, especially when seeking favors like employment. If this is the trend, it means that all are bound to their tribes. Why then pick on Mr. Raila Odinga as the only example?

Hassan casually claimed that Jaramogi Odinga had differed with the late Jomo Kenyatta, Kenya’s first president, who eventually locked the Luo—Odinga’s tribe—out of power. I assume he meant political power. However, he did not elaborate or even attempt to make his readers understand why Jaramogi, who was Kenya’s first vice president, had challenged Kenyatta’s rule, which was influenced by a clique of politicians around him, dubbed the “Kiambu Mafia”. In his ‘one track-minded’ approach, Hassan failed to bring out the fact that the late Jaramogi advocated for the sharing or equal distribution of wealth; an idea that threatened the then status quo. Odinga’s experience in government and vision for Kenya is documented in his book titled: NOT YET UHURU.

Because of political differences, Kenyatta fell out with Jaramogi and almost the entire Luo community, and never to step into Nyanza province again from 1969, unto his death in 1978. Political analysts believe that Kenyatta’s hardline contributed to the political and economic setbacks that still plague the Luo community.

Raila Odinga’s politics
It was ironical of Hassan to purport that Raila steered the 2007-08 post-election violence (PEV) to gain public sympathy. What sympathy? During that period, journalists challenged some Kenyan ministers to produce evidence that Raila was flaming violence, but they could not, because they had none. Mr. Odinga had campaigned vigorously for the presidency, but since Kibaki’s handlers did not want him to win legitimately, they rigged him out to maintain the status quo. The late Samuel Kivuitu, then-chairman of the Electoral Commission of Kenya, mentioned that he was not sure if President Kibaki had won the elections.

Raila’s call for peace was consistent right from the campaign period. Even then, when two key members of his team were ruthlessly beaten by a gang of rowdy youths loyal to a rival minister, he never called for revenge. He continuously called for peace during that very trying moment in Kenya. In his attempt to crown Raila as a tribal chief, Hassan claimed that, “most Kenyan and African leaders have often refused to acknowledge Mr. Raila as a Pan-Africanist, but rather connect him to being a tribal chief….” He did not give examples of such leaders. In my opinion, ‘political jabs’ aimed at Odinga by rival politicians are merely for publicity. If Hassan meant that such were tribal chief qualifiers on Raila, then he has a lot to learn about the country’s politics during electioneering. We have loud politicians who do not contribute to parliamentary debates, yet spit fire at public rallies to foment tribalism.

I wonder whether Hassan appreciated Raila’s pollster lead within Kenya’s 6 multi-ethnic provinces during the 2007 presidential campaigns, and later at the controversial vote-tallying. Did Raila lead because of his influence over the Luo as he claimed? No. It was because of his ability to mobilize other people/tribes to work together. Raila was the only Luo in the Orange Democratic Movement’s (ODM’s) presidential campaign team known as the Pentagon, while the rest were from other tribes, reflecting the face of Kenya.

During the 2007 political party nominations, Raila told the Luo to choose their own candidates and they did so by sweeping out most of the former MPs, whom they had perceived as incompetent. Raila later asked them to vote for ODM candidates only, as a strategy for building a solid backup of MPs in Parliament, and they did so. Talking of tribal chiefs, how did President Kibaki’s tribespeople (the Kikuyu and others around Mt. Kenya) vote in December 2007? They voted overwhelmingly as a bloc for him. The Kikuyu are NOT known to vote for anyone outside their tribe, contrary to the Luo, who voted wholeheartedly for Kibaki in 2002. Note that behind every tribe or region in Kenya, there is always a powerful political leader. This will not change until we reform our Constitution and relevant institutions, to debunk the theory that politicians are the only people who can chart our lives.

Raila as Roads minister
Hassan asserted that as Minister for Roads and Public Works in Kibaki’s first cabinet, Mr. Odinga specifically targeted for demolition, Kikuyu homes built along road reserves, to pave way for expansions. This was totally baseless because the buildings that were designated for demolition were marked countrywide. Raila’s own constituents suffered, whether they were Luo, Kikuyu or other tribes, especially in Kibera, Africa’s largest informal settlement. Some homes were also destroyed in Migori town, which is based in Luoland. Occupying or building on road reserves indicates just how corrupt influential leaders are, and do not mind grabbing or allocating such areas to cronies and family for personal gain. Further, it exhibits the extreme socio-economic imbalances which force many jobless Kenyans to become squatters in these spaces, without any other choice for accommodation.

Clearing out structures on the road reserves was aimed at easing congestion, which is a big problem especially in Nairobi, given its fast growing human population and number of vehicles. Raila would not have undertaken such a huge task without the Cabinet’s approval, since the project was sponsored by the government and World Bank. I have reservations on how evictions along the road reserves were carried out before the demolitions, because many residents at the informal settlements were left without shelter or necessary care, particularly the sick. Concerns were also raised by people locally and internationally, eventually stopping the demolitions. Unfortunately, the government of Kenya did not compensate those who lost their property due to this action. A fact-finding mission by COHRE (Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions) wrote a critical report on the demolitions.

It is regrettable if the demolitions were carried out in a ‘tribal manner’, as alleged by Isilow. Nevertheless, many Kenyans were happy with the decision which was meant to improve the infrastructure, and none claimed Raila’s goal was to destroy Kikuyu property. Hassan concluded that Raila’s actions made President Kibaki sack him as minister. This was another groundless assumption because Kibaki fired Odinga and his political party colleagues later in 2005, when they beat him at the referendum for the controversial government-backed Kilifi draft Constitution.

Raila the nationalist
Sometime in 2003, Raila accompanied Kibaki during his first meet-the-people tour around the Mt.Kenya region, to thank them for electing him. Scores of people shouted out Raila’s name calling him ‘njamba’ (HERO), because of his 2002 vigorous and selfless campaigns for Kibaki, who had been injured after a motor vehicle accident and could not campaign. At that time, Odinga was not seen as a tribal chief, but a nationalist. However, during his bid for the presidency in 2007, he was met with open animosity while campaigning in the same region, which also gave him the least votes countrywide.

Mr. Odinga’s call for international mediation in the 2008 post-election impasse exhibited his sound public relations network, which kept him in good books with many world leaders who condemned the rigged election results.

President Museveni of Uganda was the first leader to congratulate Kibaki on his re-election. Was it because he felt Raila Odinga did not befit the presidency and had to remain in oblivion as a tribal chief? It was not a surprise because Museveni had applied all the available ‘political tools’ in 2006, to extend his term of office. It probably felt good that his friend Kibaki had read and followed his script to remain in State House.

In conclusion, I refer to Raila’s recognition as a nationalist. In 2006, a Swiss-based organization known as Africa Link honored him as: ‘Champion of Democracy 2006’. These words were cited in his recognition: “As an ambitious political leader, you have recognized the preeminence of the national interest over and above your personal ambition… Africa Link recognizes your contribution and through you, the millions of your countrymen and women who are committed to a democratic and peaceful development of your country, Kenya.”

Raila Odinga will always remain above the tribal chief tag because he exemplifies a broad-minded approach to pertinent issues affecting all Kenyans.”

Jared Odero

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