Is it mere propaganda or there is truth to it? Some unknown people have edited widely distributed a paper that contains political analyst Mutahi Ngunyi’s tyranny of numbers to show that there is a plan by TNA to get rid of Jubilee running mate William Ruto if the alliance wins the elections. A document sent to Corridors of Power on Thursday, which Ngunyi has categorically denied knowledge of, claims that Ruto is “a very ambitious and abrasive person who will want a lot of say in the running of the government and we risk having two centres of power”. According to the document, which contains glaring spelling mistakes, the plan will be to find ways of fast-tracking some of the land cases Ruto is facing and forcing him to step aside. Once that happens Ruto will be replaced by former Mvita MP Najib Balala who is described as weak and friendly. To collapse the 50-50 power sharing deal with URP, the purported plan is proposing that TNA uses Ruto’s enemies to reject all his nominees in parliament.
In developing this strategy we borrowed highly on premises of the 7 point minimum scenario (Tyranny of numbers) that assures our candidate of first round win in the coming March 4th Election.
However the win comes at a price which MUST be contained through a well-designed strategy to ensure that despite the requirements of the new constitution we still manage to wrestle the power from other sources and retain it within our sphere of control.
Our current challenge is to devise a strategy that would tackle the following areas;
a) Manage an executive number 2 in power- the constitution provides for an executive number 2.
b) Manage the 50:50 sharing of government – in getting the numbers for top up we signed an agreement for power sharing which may not be realistic once we settle down into the business of running the government.
It must also be pointed out that our current number 2 is a very abrasive and ambitious person who will want a lot of say in the running of the government affairs and we risk having two parallel centres of power.
We must also remember that Kibaki was able to manage this transition very well with RAO once he took over power and despite the hue and cry he managed to still take a stab on second term successfully.
The Number 2 Factor
Our current number 2 can be described as a very smart politician who has used his position to both endear himself to his people and accumulate wealth for himself. He is equally abrasive and very ambitious and would want to play a major role in the running and decisions of the government. From his character we anticipate that in the first six months we should expect some cold war between him and UK since he is known to always want his way and does not believe in being managed or lead.
Secondly a number of things that have been agreed upon are not realistic and may render our man powerless and reduce him to a figure head.
His weakness?
Every strong personality brings on the table a number of weakness that we will need to exploit at point namely;
1. In getting to his current position the man has rubbed everyone the wrong away and he therefore will have very little sympathy from the mainstream leaders. Just a sneak preview on this tells you that; Raila, Kalonzo, Wamalwa, Mudavadi will all be baying for his blood on the night of the long sword. We can also count of some of these people to prop up the government when the time comes (Kibaki did it very well).
2. Corruption: the man has a number of corruption cases including fraudulently acquiring land in various parts of the country. Some of these cases are still active in court and will come in handy at the appropriate time.
The deep sea approach
In 2011 when Obama administration took on Osama Bin Laden they took on the deep sea approach by entering the airspace of Pakistan through the sea and disposing of the body in the deep sea to ensure that it leaves minimum disruptions in its wake.
Our approach must equally take the same angle through;
I. Land cases: fast track land cases facing number 2 using The Judiciary. This plot will create the fastest trap for finding number 2 culpable then he will be forced to step down and in accordance with chapter six of the constitution. It is then important to identify a friendlier and weaker candidate without a strong ethnic base and the person who fits this bill is Balala. In propping him up he will also bring on board a sizable Muslim block that will effectively counter the number 2’s block.
II. Exploit his weakness: as pointed out earlier number 2, in getting to current position, created a number of powerful enemies and the most opportune time to exploit this weakness is when things settle and its time to form the government. The plan is to use his enemies to shoot down all his nominees in return for a few government appointments. http://www.the-star.co.ke/news/article-107805/corridors-power
One of the numerous high prices we are paying to have Uhuru Kenyatta running for President is that the PNU wing of the government has to be anti-Mutunga/Reforms. They may pretend all they want but they simply hate the man because he cannot be controlled, and does not have the pro-Uhuru dispensation of a Githu Muigai, the attoney general.
Also, due to the post-election violence and the entrance of the ICC, it is very hard to actually intimidate Willy Muntunga. So whomever is behind this “Mungiki” letter is resorting to cheap psychological warfare. But make no mistake, the person(s) behind this anti-Mutunga move has (have) the sympathy of the the Kibaki and Uhuru circle.
The troubling part of this is that the harrassment at the airport signifiies what many of us feared all along: that the government machinery might move in at the last minute to try to sway the election in Uhuru’s favor. I seriously hope that I am wrong. If I am right, Kenya is going to pay a very heavy price because it will mean that we did not learn anything from the last election.
what is huru going to do for you mwanainchi mugiki you can kill but god will see you why cant be brothers and sisters to make kenya i nice cauntry hatutaki vita let as live nice kama kitambo
Analysis: Ethnicity and ICC cases heat up Kenya presidential race
December 24, 2012|James Macharia | Reuters
NAIROBI (Reuters) – Alliances forged by Kenya’s main presidential contenders for elections in March are lining up a repeat of a largely ethnic-based contest for political power which exploded into bloodshed in the 2007 vote.
Prime Minister Raila Odinga and Uhuru Kenyatta, son of Kenya’s founder president, lead the two main opposing camps for the March 4 presidential and parliamentary elections.
The head-on rivalry between Kenyatta, from the predominant Kikuyu tribe, and Odinga, a Luo, raises the specter of the tribal clashes that followed the 2007 election and killed more than 1,200 people, uprooting thousands more from their homes.
“I don’t want to be a pessimist… but, historically, every time the Luo and the Kikuyu have been on different sides there has been violence,” said Mzalendo Kibunjia, who heads a national agency formed to reconcile tribes after the violence.
“What do you expect? Our politics are about ethnicity. In Africa, democracy is about ethnic arithmetic not ideology.”
Another factor that could lead to post-election instability for East Africa’s economic powerhouse is Kenyatta’s date a month after the March vote with the International Criminal Court (ICC). The former finance minister faces a trial in the Hague over his alleged role in the election violence five years ago.
Should Kenyatta win the presidency and then travel to the court hearings, a power vacuum could result soon after his inauguration. The ICC accuses him of directing youth from his Kikuyu ethnic community to fight Odinga’s Luo kinsmen during the 2007/2008 bloodletting. He denies any wrongdoing.
To win in the March 4 first round, a candidate needs to gain an outright majority from the 14.3 million registered voters. An immediate victory for either contender is not assured, which could then mean a nail-biting run-off in April.
Odinga leads the race according to most opinion polls, but Kenyatta is running close second. The closeness of the political contest is exacerbating the ethnic tensions, and vice-versa.
Kenyan polls since independence from Britain in 1963 have often been marred by tribal violence, typically stemming from long-standing disputes over land. But the bloody feuding after the 2007 vote was by far the worst in Kenya’s history.
Luos say Odinga was robbed of victory by the incumbent, President Mwai Kibaki, a Kikuyu in a bitter and close vote. Many Kikuyus argue Odinga’s Luo tribe got off easier than they did in the ICC probe of the 2007 events, and so are determined to have the election go their way this time.
There are those who believe the ICC’s pursuit of alleged ringleaders of the 2007 killings could act as a deterrent.
“I doubt there will be violence of the scale we witnessed last time. Kenyans are extremely wary of the ICC and its activities in the country,” said Ken Wafula, a rights campaigner who works in Rift Valley, epicenter of the clashes.
“Fear of running foul of the ICC will serve as a restraint.”
ICC FACTOR
The charges from the war crimes court against Kenyatta, a deputy prime minister and scion of independence hero Jomo Kenyatta, is undoubtedly a hindrance to his presidential bid.
He has teamed up in the Jubilee alliance with former cabinet minister William Ruto, who was indicted with him by the ICC for inciting youth to fight in 2007.
The other men charged are the head of the civil service, Francis Muthaura, and radio presenter Joshua Arap Sang.
Kenyatta’s arch-rival Odinga has formed a competing alliance, the Coalition for Reform and Democracy (Cord) backed by Vice President Kalonzo Musyoka, to try to break the traditional Kikuyu dominance over the presidency.
Two of Kenya’s three presidents since independence have been Kikuyu, the exception being former president Daniel Arap Moi, a Kalenjin like Ruto.
Although Kenyatta and Ruto have insisted they will cooperate with the ICC, most Kenyans do not believe the two will appear at the Hague should they win the election, according to a survey by pollster Ipsos Synovate released in early December.
In a country where the political elite has long been considered above the law, many believe Kenyatta would see becoming president of the nation as a way of spurning the ICC.
They point to the example of Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir, who has defied a 2009 ICC indictment for alleged war crimes committed by his forces in the western Darfur region.
A failure by an elected president of Kenya to cooperate with the ICC would concern foreign investors and Western governments, which have urged Kenyan leaders to be tough against impunity.
“This election is one issue: ICC, nothing else,” said anti-corruption campaigner and political commentator John Githongo.
Political commentators said Kenyatta, if elected, could end up being afraid to leave his country like Bashir.
Kenya, East Africa’s largest economy, and its assets are at risk of a discount similar to the ‘Khartoum’ one being given by investors to Sudan, said independent analyst Aly Khan Satchu.
In the past three decades, Kenya has had its lowest growth periods in, or just after, election years, the World Bank says.
The government has forecast growth of around 5 percent this year, up from 4.3 percent last year, but any flare-up could affect tourism and investment and regional trade and transport.
“The Jubilee alliance where two ICC indictees have teamed up is entirely problematic,” Satchu said.
“Kenya is more deeply embedded and interconnected with the global economy than most African countries and in some respects that alliance is the equivalent of giving the two finger salute to the international community. There will be consequences and particularly economic ones (sanctions).”
Rights groups have also filed a suit at the Kenyan High Court challenging Ruto and Kenyatta’s suitability for elective office, given their ICC cases at the Hague.
“GAME OF NUMBERS”
Odinga faces challenges too after falling out with several of his former allies who helped him in the last vote, including deputy prime minister Musalia Mudavadi. This has somewhat weakened his third attempt to win the presidency.
Analysts say much of the campaigning by Odinga and Kenyatta will focus on swing tribes, including Mudavadi’s Luhya ethnic community, Kenya’s second-largest, to try to tilt the vote.
“This game is a game of numbers. It does not require magic, this is the strategy,” says Ruto.
Odinga and Kenyatta’s rivalry mirrors an old feud that goes back to when Odinga’s father was vice president to Kenyatta’s father. They fell out, and Odinga’s father, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, became a vocal opposition critic of Jomo Kenyatta.
Odinga and Kenyatta have vowed to focus on issues, such as improving the economy, rather than ethnic differences or the ICC issue, to avoid whipping up emotions during the campaigns.
But Kenya is already hurting from violence this year in the coastal east where hundreds have been killed in tribal clashes over land and water, the most recent this week.
Such battles over resources have occurred for years, but human rights groups blame the latest fighting on politicians seeking to drive away parts of the local population they believe will vote for their rivals in the elections.
This is reinforcing the fears of a repeat of the ethnic mayhem that followed the disputed 2007 vote.
“This kind of violence can engulf the entire nation. It takes incitement by leaders preaching hate,” Kibunjia said.
Posted On : February 21st, 2013 | Updated On : February 21st, 2013
Henry Makori
In recent months, media in Kenya has reported the re-emergence of the terror group Mungiki in parts of the central region. Mungiki, an exclusively Kikuyu ethnic militia, has over the years been blamed for atrocious violence and extortion in central Kenya, the Rift Valley and Nairobi.
Mungiki’s last known leader was Maina Njenga, who announced two years ago that he had converted to Christianity and is now seeking election as senator for Nairobi County. No one speaks for the proscribed underground militia nowadays.
The group is accused of having been used by powerful politicians to conduct retaliatory attacks in Nairobi and Rift Valley during the 2007-2008 post-election violence. The chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court alleges that Mungiki leaders held a meeting at State House, the president’s official residence in Nairobi, to plot the attacks.
Several Mungiki leaders were killed in mysterious circumstances or disappeared after the post-election violence.
Four Kenyans, including Jubilee Coalition presidential candidate Uhuru Kenyatta and his running mate William Ruto, will stand trial from April 10 at the ICC for crimes against humanity committed in the 2007-2008 polls chaos.
Now, with another hotly contested election only days away on March 4, there are rising fears that Mungiki is regrouping possibly to stage another orgy of violence should their preferred candidate, Uhuru, lose the presidential contest.
There are eight presidential candidates in this election. The latest opinion polls show that the contest is between Uhuru and the Coalition for Reforms and Democracy (CORD) candidate Prime Minister Raila Odinga, with Raila leading by two percentage points at most. Pollsters are also predicting a second round, as neither of the two is likely to meet the high constitutional threshold for a straight win on March 4.
On Wednesday, 20 February, a CORD campaign convoy was attacked by youths in Kiambu County, a Uhuru stronghold neighbouring Nairobi City, where Mungiki is believed to have reactivated its networks.
The incident comes less than two weeks after gangs of youths attempted to disrupt Odinga’s campaign rallies in parts of central Kenya.
On the day of the latest attack, Kenya’s Chief Justice and President of the Supreme Court Dr Willy Mutunga issued a statement (see next report) stating that he had received a letter purportedly from Mungiki threatening him and High Court judges. The threat was connected to an integrity case concerning Uhuru and Ruto that was coming up for a ruling.
Kenyan media has reported that, days before the letter was sent to the Chief Justice, a close ally of presidential candidate Uhuru Kenyatta, Mr. Kabando wa Kabando, issued a threat to the judges similar to that contained in the Mungiki letter.
These recent developments have led to increased anxiety, with reports saying non-Kikuyu citizens living in central Kenya are relocating to safer places, despite repeated government assurances of increased security during the election period.
Throughout his life, Tom Mboya worked for an end to tribalism and for the growth of a Kenyan nationalism.
Ironically, his sudden death by a still unknown assassin aroused Kenya’s tribal rivalries. As his body lay in state in his Nairobi home last week, his fellow Luo tribesmen closed ranks against the rest of Kenya. Any mourner who was a Luo was welcomed, even if he had been an opponent of Economic and Development Minister Mboya. As the day wore on, Luo bitterness increased and even Mboya’s close friends, if they were Kikuyus, Tugens or of any other tribe, were turned away with taunts and stones.
The Requiem High Mass for Mboya in Nairobi’s Holy Family Cathedral be came a shambles. A crowd of 20,000, mostly Luo, jammed the cathedral square. When venerable President Jomo Kenyatta, a Kikuyu, arrived in his black, bulletproof Mercedes, the car was pelted with anything handy, even shoes. The police reacted with flailing batons and white-foaming tear-gas grenades. The gas penetrated the cathedral, and its sting set children wailing. Some of the harried congregation used holy water to rinse their eyes, and one retired government official died the next day of the gas’s aftereffects. The words of Archbishop J. J. McCarthy were lost in the shriek of sirens, the lamentations of women, the crash of plate-glass windows. When a rock smashed the windshield of his car, a German bank official drove into a tree and was killed.
Negative Rays
A public viewing of Mboya’s body, scheduled for that night, was canceled. At four in the morning, the funeral cortege set out, headed for the shores of Lake Victoria, the heartland of the Luos, 300 miles away. Mboya’s coffin was draped in the national colors of black, green and red, and covered with tropical flowers. Nothing went right. After only five miles, one car broke down. On the escarpment of the Rift Valley, the car carrying Mboya’s pregnant widow, Pamela, was involved in a three-car collision that injured five people. At Nakuru, where 50,000 had gathered, Pamela Mboya complained of chest pains. She was rushed to the local hospital, but when X rays proved negative, she returned to the cortege. The hearse broke down and was hastily repaired. Thereafter, it had to stop for ten minutes every 20 miles to prevent the radiator from boiling over.
The progress through Luo-land was agonizingly slow. Women in vividly patterned dresses flung themselves onto the road ahead of the hearse; men and boys clung to the hood and the body. Other Luos sat half naked by the road, smeared with the traditional clay of mourning, while witch doctors in white ostrich feathers and monkey-skin skirts pranced among them. Trucks, cars and buses decorated with palm fronds and jacaranda branches brought thousands more to vantage points along the way.
Strong forces of police, armed with Sten guns and rifles, charged repeatedly in an effort to keep the route open. At Kisamu, a grass fire started, and a curtain of ash hung in the air. The lamentations of the huge throng continued for hours after the cortege passed by.
The political effect of Mboya’s murder will apparently be to strengthen the opposition to the government. Mboya himself had been in Kenyatta’s Cabinet and a supporter of the government. But most Luos, led by Leftist Oginga Odinga, belong to the opposition Kenya People’s Union. Along the entire route of the cortege, crowds shouted the defiant party rallying cry of “Dume! Dame!”, which means bull, and refers to the K.P.U. party symbol. How badly the government will be hurt depends, of course, on how swiftly it can capture the assassin and on the discovery of which faction the killer represents. If the killer turns out to be a fellow Luo, the K.P.U. will be unable to use Mboya’s death against the government. But if he should be a Kikuyu, Kenya’s dominant tribe, Odinga will probably be able to rally Luos to his party in large numbers.
Buckskin Drums
The final leg of the journey was to Homa Bay on the shore of steel-gray Lake Victoria; the cortege arrived after nightfall, and the surrounding hills echoed with the ceaseless throb of buckskin drums. Another Requiem Mass was held, celebrated by the African Bishop of Kisii, Maurice Otunga, and throughout the night mourners filed past the casket at the rate of 100 per minute. Finally, the coffin was ferried across the choppy water to Rusinga Island, the ancestral home of Mboya’s clan. Outside the family home, Mboya’s coffin was placed under a shelter of poles and cornstalks—to take the coffin into the house would be to run the risk of bringing another death to the family. Next day, Mboya was buried beneath the yellow blossoms of an ayieke tree, together with his oxhide shield, beaded cap and walking stick, as required by Luo law. After five days, the tribal elders will go down to the lake to bathe and cleanse themselves of evil spirits.
The day city hitman felled political icon
Tuesday, 02 December 2003 21:13 – East African Standard
On the morning of Saturday July 5, 1969, the East African Standard carried a photograph of Tom Mboya taken at Embakasi Airport the previous day.
Resplendent in a business suit, he was striding briskly across the tarmac towards the camera. The men accompanying him were not identified in the caption, but were recognisable as his Permanent Secretary Philip Ndegwa and his brother Alphonce.
The team was coming from an Economic Commission of Africa meeting in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
Had he wanted to, Mboya could have stayed at the airport and boarded the next plane to London. He had been invited to attend a conference at the University of Sussex on “The Crisis of Planning”, due to begin on Monday July 7.
Official paperwork
But Mboya had gracefully declined the invitation, citing pressure of work.
At 9.30am, he arrived at his office at Treasury Building, Harambee Avenue. With his private secretary Otieno Nundu by his side, he became immersed in official paperwork.
But he also made time to finish writing a seven-page letter to William Scheinman, dealing frankly and rather worriedly with current politics.
Of the President’s efforts to reduce tensions among his ministers, Mboya wrote: “Outwardly this will ease matters, but the factions remain.”
Chiefly, however, he was concerned with the forthcoming round of Kanu primary elections. His enemies, he wrote, had raised a great deal of money to fight the primaries and he would need at least half as much — a minimum of £50,000 or $140,000 (about Sh10 million) — to ensure his supporters were secure.
“I am unable to appeal to any foreign government nor do I think that I should do this. Ironically people who receive money from foreign sources have levelled accusations against me. Ever since my trade union days and the students airlift, I have lived with a label of help from America. Sometimes I wish this were true!”
At midday, Mr J.D. Otiende, Minister for Health, passed by to say goodbye before he left for an overseas trip.
Shortly before 1pm, Mboya and Nundu left the office. Down in the Treasury car park, Mboya told his driver to go home, got into his car and drove off alone. A few minutes later, he pulled up on Government Road, outside Chhani’s Pharmacy.
The shop had just closed for the weekend, but Mboya was a regular at Chhani’s and often called there at this hour on a Saturday.
Indeed, the proprietors, Mr and Mrs Sehmi Chhani, were family friends of the Mboyas. As Mboya got out of the car, a man he knew, a freelance photographer, asked him casually what he was doing there at that time of day.
“Just shopping,” Mboya replied. He was well-dressed as usual in a suede jacket and a red shirt.
Mrs Mohini Sehmi Chhani opened the shop door for Mboya, and closed again behind him. He bought a small bottle of Alpha-Keri lotion, then stayed at the counter for some 10 minutes chatting up Mrs Sehmi and a pharmacist.
When Mboya was ready to go, Mrs Sehmi accompanied him to the door and opened it. They talked briefly; she was eager to know when he and Pamela would next be able to come to the Chhani home for dinner.
Window shopping
Outside the shop, seven or eight feet from the door, stood a young, slightly-built man in a dark suit, holding a briefcase in his left hand. His right hand was in his pocket. He appeared to be busy at window shopping.
Mboya said good-bye to Mrs Sehmi and shook hands with her. He then stepped out. Then two gunshots rung out.
“Tom, Tom, what is wrong? cried out Mrs Sehmi,” as Mboya slumped against her and they staggered back towards the shop.
“I saw blood on his shirt, which was red anyway, and I realised what had happened. He never uttered a word. He fell into my arms and began to slump to the ground.
I now had his blood on my hands and we managed more or less to break his fall and we helped him to the floor . . . I closed the door and called the pharmacist and said the police must be called in, as well as an ambulance.
Kenya: Post-Election Rape Survivors Sue Kenyan Govt
21 February 2013
Nairobi — Eight survivors of sexual violence committed in the wake of Kenya’s December 2007 general elections have taken the government to court over its alleged failure to protect them or investigate the crimes committed against them.
The case, which is being heard in the Nairobi High Court, comes just two weeks before another general election widely seen as a landmark for Kenya.
“The survivors are suing the government for non-action both in terms of protecting people from violence during this period [2007-2008] but also for failing to institute investigations to ensure perpetrators can be brought to book,” Saida Ali, the executive director of the Coalition on Violence Against Women (COVAW), told IRIN.
Those bringing the case to court include two male victims of sexual violence and six civil society organizations: COVAW, the Independent Medico-Legal Unit (IMLU), the Kenyan Section of the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ Kenya), and Physicians for Human Rights (PHR).
“Nobody wants to take the responsibility for these crimes. It is not just about the police but also public health facilities taking the responsibility to offer care and treatment to those affected,” Ali added.
The current constitution compels the government to provide services such as counseling, treatment and protection to victims of sexual violence. But women’s advocates say that too often these services are unavailable.
“The constitution is clear on the role of government in providing services to victims of SGBV [sexual and gender-based violence],” said Ali, who estimated that more than 3,000 incidents of sexual violence were committed after the 2007 election.
Physical and sexual violence against women is commonplace in Kenya, where it is rarely regarded as a serious crime, according to Battering, Rape and Lethal Violence, a recent report by the Small Arms Survey.
The report attributes this to “low status of women in society, patriarchal values and power structures focused on male dominance, discriminatory institutions and implementation of laws, [and] the absence of a legal framework on intimate partner violence.”
“The legal framework on sexual violence is strong but is not always implemented, and justice remains largely inaccessible, especially for poor women,” Claire Mc Evoy, the report’s author, told IRIN.
“We want to, among other things, use the case to compel the government to set up a special division within the High Court to deal with cases of SGBV,” Ali said.
[This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations.]
How Smart (cunning) are GEMA-Kikuyus?The MUNGIKI threats on WILLY MUTUNGA …… Yash Pal Ghai’s take
The Kenyan DAILY POST Editor’s Choice 07:35
FROM YASH PAL GHAI:
Wed, Feb 20, 2013I have learnt, like those who came before me, that when bad governance and autocratic leadership becomes the norm, then resistance becomes an unavoidable duty! I have, this forenoon, read the statement by the Chief Justice with shock and disbelief that the axis of evil is rising up like the violent tide.
Yes, I know that we must not seek out shadows in the future, in the guided understanding that oftentimes the sun of tomorrow will dispatch them. But such sun must be our vigilance and unveiled willingness to stand up not only for what is right, but for what is just. It is evident to me that the executive arm of government is no more propelled by the wings of sufficient goodwill, and that the skewed manner in which the affairs of the nation are being handled incessantly suffers disgrace to the fabric of our national being. In other circumstances what we witness today would mistakenly pass for hyperbole.
The attack and malicious attempt on the life and office of the Chief Justice is a dark ribbon of disgrace on the arm of liberty. The civil society and all we Kenyans of sound judgment and good will must therefore rise up and address the nation and secure the indispensable future and freedom of all Kenyans. The whole earth, I have learnt from Pericles, is the tomb of heroic men and their story is not given only on stone over their clay but abides everywhere without visible symbol woven into the stuff of other men’s lives. Let us stand up for the glory of good governance and liberty.
Mungiki ndio kihii wakubwa. Washindwe hawa wakikuyu!!!!
Ths nt real mungiki am almst sure
A ploy 2 fgt jubilee i bet
TNA will get rid of Ruto once Uhuru wins
Is it mere propaganda or there is truth to it? Some unknown people have edited widely distributed a paper that contains political analyst Mutahi Ngunyi’s tyranny of numbers to show that there is a plan by TNA to get rid of Jubilee running mate William Ruto if the alliance wins the elections. A document sent to Corridors of Power on Thursday, which Ngunyi has categorically denied knowledge of, claims that Ruto is “a very ambitious and abrasive person who will want a lot of say in the running of the government and we risk having two centres of power”. According to the document, which contains glaring spelling mistakes, the plan will be to find ways of fast-tracking some of the land cases Ruto is facing and forcing him to step aside. Once that happens Ruto will be replaced by former Mvita MP Najib Balala who is described as weak and friendly. To collapse the 50-50 power sharing deal with URP, the purported plan is proposing that TNA uses Ruto’s enemies to reject all his nominees in parliament.
In developing this strategy we borrowed highly on premises of the 7 point minimum scenario (Tyranny of numbers) that assures our candidate of first round win in the coming March 4th Election.
However the win comes at a price which MUST be contained through a well-designed strategy to ensure that despite the requirements of the new constitution we still manage to wrestle the power from other sources and retain it within our sphere of control.
Our current challenge is to devise a strategy that would tackle the following areas;
a) Manage an executive number 2 in power- the constitution provides for an executive number 2.
b) Manage the 50:50 sharing of government – in getting the numbers for top up we signed an agreement for power sharing which may not be realistic once we settle down into the business of running the government.
It must also be pointed out that our current number 2 is a very abrasive and ambitious person who will want a lot of say in the running of the government affairs and we risk having two parallel centres of power.
We must also remember that Kibaki was able to manage this transition very well with RAO once he took over power and despite the hue and cry he managed to still take a stab on second term successfully.
The Number 2 Factor
Our current number 2 can be described as a very smart politician who has used his position to both endear himself to his people and accumulate wealth for himself. He is equally abrasive and very ambitious and would want to play a major role in the running and decisions of the government. From his character we anticipate that in the first six months we should expect some cold war between him and UK since he is known to always want his way and does not believe in being managed or lead.
Secondly a number of things that have been agreed upon are not realistic and may render our man powerless and reduce him to a figure head.
His weakness?
Every strong personality brings on the table a number of weakness that we will need to exploit at point namely;
1. In getting to his current position the man has rubbed everyone the wrong away and he therefore will have very little sympathy from the mainstream leaders. Just a sneak preview on this tells you that; Raila, Kalonzo, Wamalwa, Mudavadi will all be baying for his blood on the night of the long sword. We can also count of some of these people to prop up the government when the time comes (Kibaki did it very well).
2. Corruption: the man has a number of corruption cases including fraudulently acquiring land in various parts of the country. Some of these cases are still active in court and will come in handy at the appropriate time.
The deep sea approach
In 2011 when Obama administration took on Osama Bin Laden they took on the deep sea approach by entering the airspace of Pakistan through the sea and disposing of the body in the deep sea to ensure that it leaves minimum disruptions in its wake.
Our approach must equally take the same angle through;
I. Land cases: fast track land cases facing number 2 using The Judiciary. This plot will create the fastest trap for finding number 2 culpable then he will be forced to step down and in accordance with chapter six of the constitution. It is then important to identify a friendlier and weaker candidate without a strong ethnic base and the person who fits this bill is Balala. In propping him up he will also bring on board a sizable Muslim block that will effectively counter the number 2’s block.
II. Exploit his weakness: as pointed out earlier number 2, in getting to current position, created a number of powerful enemies and the most opportune time to exploit this weakness is when things settle and its time to form the government. The plan is to use his enemies to shoot down all his nominees in return for a few government appointments.
http://www.the-star.co.ke/news/article-107805/corridors-power
One of the numerous high prices we are paying to have Uhuru Kenyatta running for President is that the PNU wing of the government has to be anti-Mutunga/Reforms. They may pretend all they want but they simply hate the man because he cannot be controlled, and does not have the pro-Uhuru dispensation of a Githu Muigai, the attoney general.
Also, due to the post-election violence and the entrance of the ICC, it is very hard to actually intimidate Willy Muntunga. So whomever is behind this “Mungiki” letter is resorting to cheap psychological warfare. But make no mistake, the person(s) behind this anti-Mutunga move has (have) the sympathy of the the Kibaki and Uhuru circle.
The troubling part of this is that the harrassment at the airport signifiies what many of us feared all along: that the government machinery might move in at the last minute to try to sway the election in Uhuru’s favor. I seriously hope that I am wrong. If I am right, Kenya is going to pay a very heavy price because it will mean that we did not learn anything from the last election.
what is huru going to do for you mwanainchi mugiki you can kill but god will see you why cant be brothers and sisters to make kenya i nice cauntry hatutaki vita let as live nice kama kitambo
Analysis: Ethnicity and ICC cases heat up Kenya presidential race
December 24, 2012|James Macharia | Reuters
NAIROBI (Reuters) – Alliances forged by Kenya’s main presidential contenders for elections in March are lining up a repeat of a largely ethnic-based contest for political power which exploded into bloodshed in the 2007 vote.
Prime Minister Raila Odinga and Uhuru Kenyatta, son of Kenya’s founder president, lead the two main opposing camps for the March 4 presidential and parliamentary elections.
The head-on rivalry between Kenyatta, from the predominant Kikuyu tribe, and Odinga, a Luo, raises the specter of the tribal clashes that followed the 2007 election and killed more than 1,200 people, uprooting thousands more from their homes.
“I don’t want to be a pessimist… but, historically, every time the Luo and the Kikuyu have been on different sides there has been violence,” said Mzalendo Kibunjia, who heads a national agency formed to reconcile tribes after the violence.
“What do you expect? Our politics are about ethnicity. In Africa, democracy is about ethnic arithmetic not ideology.”
Another factor that could lead to post-election instability for East Africa’s economic powerhouse is Kenyatta’s date a month after the March vote with the International Criminal Court (ICC). The former finance minister faces a trial in the Hague over his alleged role in the election violence five years ago.
Should Kenyatta win the presidency and then travel to the court hearings, a power vacuum could result soon after his inauguration. The ICC accuses him of directing youth from his Kikuyu ethnic community to fight Odinga’s Luo kinsmen during the 2007/2008 bloodletting. He denies any wrongdoing.
To win in the March 4 first round, a candidate needs to gain an outright majority from the 14.3 million registered voters. An immediate victory for either contender is not assured, which could then mean a nail-biting run-off in April.
Odinga leads the race according to most opinion polls, but Kenyatta is running close second. The closeness of the political contest is exacerbating the ethnic tensions, and vice-versa.
Kenyan polls since independence from Britain in 1963 have often been marred by tribal violence, typically stemming from long-standing disputes over land. But the bloody feuding after the 2007 vote was by far the worst in Kenya’s history.
Luos say Odinga was robbed of victory by the incumbent, President Mwai Kibaki, a Kikuyu in a bitter and close vote. Many Kikuyus argue Odinga’s Luo tribe got off easier than they did in the ICC probe of the 2007 events, and so are determined to have the election go their way this time.
There are those who believe the ICC’s pursuit of alleged ringleaders of the 2007 killings could act as a deterrent.
“I doubt there will be violence of the scale we witnessed last time. Kenyans are extremely wary of the ICC and its activities in the country,” said Ken Wafula, a rights campaigner who works in Rift Valley, epicenter of the clashes.
“Fear of running foul of the ICC will serve as a restraint.”
ICC FACTOR
The charges from the war crimes court against Kenyatta, a deputy prime minister and scion of independence hero Jomo Kenyatta, is undoubtedly a hindrance to his presidential bid.
He has teamed up in the Jubilee alliance with former cabinet minister William Ruto, who was indicted with him by the ICC for inciting youth to fight in 2007.
The other men charged are the head of the civil service, Francis Muthaura, and radio presenter Joshua Arap Sang.
Kenyatta’s arch-rival Odinga has formed a competing alliance, the Coalition for Reform and Democracy (Cord) backed by Vice President Kalonzo Musyoka, to try to break the traditional Kikuyu dominance over the presidency.
Two of Kenya’s three presidents since independence have been Kikuyu, the exception being former president Daniel Arap Moi, a Kalenjin like Ruto.
Although Kenyatta and Ruto have insisted they will cooperate with the ICC, most Kenyans do not believe the two will appear at the Hague should they win the election, according to a survey by pollster Ipsos Synovate released in early December.
In a country where the political elite has long been considered above the law, many believe Kenyatta would see becoming president of the nation as a way of spurning the ICC.
They point to the example of Sudanese President Omar Hassan al-Bashir, who has defied a 2009 ICC indictment for alleged war crimes committed by his forces in the western Darfur region.
A failure by an elected president of Kenya to cooperate with the ICC would concern foreign investors and Western governments, which have urged Kenyan leaders to be tough against impunity.
“This election is one issue: ICC, nothing else,” said anti-corruption campaigner and political commentator John Githongo.
Political commentators said Kenyatta, if elected, could end up being afraid to leave his country like Bashir.
Kenya, East Africa’s largest economy, and its assets are at risk of a discount similar to the ‘Khartoum’ one being given by investors to Sudan, said independent analyst Aly Khan Satchu.
In the past three decades, Kenya has had its lowest growth periods in, or just after, election years, the World Bank says.
The government has forecast growth of around 5 percent this year, up from 4.3 percent last year, but any flare-up could affect tourism and investment and regional trade and transport.
“The Jubilee alliance where two ICC indictees have teamed up is entirely problematic,” Satchu said.
“Kenya is more deeply embedded and interconnected with the global economy than most African countries and in some respects that alliance is the equivalent of giving the two finger salute to the international community. There will be consequences and particularly economic ones (sanctions).”
Rights groups have also filed a suit at the Kenyan High Court challenging Ruto and Kenyatta’s suitability for elective office, given their ICC cases at the Hague.
“GAME OF NUMBERS”
Odinga faces challenges too after falling out with several of his former allies who helped him in the last vote, including deputy prime minister Musalia Mudavadi. This has somewhat weakened his third attempt to win the presidency.
Analysts say much of the campaigning by Odinga and Kenyatta will focus on swing tribes, including Mudavadi’s Luhya ethnic community, Kenya’s second-largest, to try to tilt the vote.
“This game is a game of numbers. It does not require magic, this is the strategy,” says Ruto.
Odinga and Kenyatta’s rivalry mirrors an old feud that goes back to when Odinga’s father was vice president to Kenyatta’s father. They fell out, and Odinga’s father, Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, became a vocal opposition critic of Jomo Kenyatta.
Odinga and Kenyatta have vowed to focus on issues, such as improving the economy, rather than ethnic differences or the ICC issue, to avoid whipping up emotions during the campaigns.
But Kenya is already hurting from violence this year in the coastal east where hundreds have been killed in tribal clashes over land and water, the most recent this week.
Such battles over resources have occurred for years, but human rights groups blame the latest fighting on politicians seeking to drive away parts of the local population they believe will vote for their rivals in the elections.
This is reinforcing the fears of a repeat of the ethnic mayhem that followed the disputed 2007 vote.
“This kind of violence can engulf the entire nation. It takes incitement by leaders preaching hate,” Kibunjia said.
(Editing by Pascal Fletcher and Anna Willard)
Fears of poll violence as Mungiki re-emerges
Posted On : February 21st, 2013 | Updated On : February 21st, 2013
Henry Makori
In recent months, media in Kenya has reported the re-emergence of the terror group Mungiki in parts of the central region. Mungiki, an exclusively Kikuyu ethnic militia, has over the years been blamed for atrocious violence and extortion in central Kenya, the Rift Valley and Nairobi.
Mungiki’s last known leader was Maina Njenga, who announced two years ago that he had converted to Christianity and is now seeking election as senator for Nairobi County. No one speaks for the proscribed underground militia nowadays.
The group is accused of having been used by powerful politicians to conduct retaliatory attacks in Nairobi and Rift Valley during the 2007-2008 post-election violence. The chief prosecutor of the International Criminal Court alleges that Mungiki leaders held a meeting at State House, the president’s official residence in Nairobi, to plot the attacks.
Several Mungiki leaders were killed in mysterious circumstances or disappeared after the post-election violence.
Four Kenyans, including Jubilee Coalition presidential candidate Uhuru Kenyatta and his running mate William Ruto, will stand trial from April 10 at the ICC for crimes against humanity committed in the 2007-2008 polls chaos.
Now, with another hotly contested election only days away on March 4, there are rising fears that Mungiki is regrouping possibly to stage another orgy of violence should their preferred candidate, Uhuru, lose the presidential contest.
There are eight presidential candidates in this election. The latest opinion polls show that the contest is between Uhuru and the Coalition for Reforms and Democracy (CORD) candidate Prime Minister Raila Odinga, with Raila leading by two percentage points at most. Pollsters are also predicting a second round, as neither of the two is likely to meet the high constitutional threshold for a straight win on March 4.
On Wednesday, 20 February, a CORD campaign convoy was attacked by youths in Kiambu County, a Uhuru stronghold neighbouring Nairobi City, where Mungiki is believed to have reactivated its networks.
The incident comes less than two weeks after gangs of youths attempted to disrupt Odinga’s campaign rallies in parts of central Kenya.
On the day of the latest attack, Kenya’s Chief Justice and President of the Supreme Court Dr Willy Mutunga issued a statement (see next report) stating that he had received a letter purportedly from Mungiki threatening him and High Court judges. The threat was connected to an integrity case concerning Uhuru and Ruto that was coming up for a ruling.
Kenyan media has reported that, days before the letter was sent to the Chief Justice, a close ally of presidential candidate Uhuru Kenyatta, Mr. Kabando wa Kabando, issued a threat to the judges similar to that contained in the Mungiki letter.
These recent developments have led to increased anxiety, with reports saying non-Kikuyu citizens living in central Kenya are relocating to safer places, despite repeated government assurances of increased security during the election period.
Under the Ayieke Tree
Friday, 18 July 1969 21:11 – Time Magazine
Throughout his life, Tom Mboya worked for an end to tribalism and for the growth of a Kenyan nationalism.
Ironically, his sudden death by a still unknown assassin aroused Kenya’s tribal rivalries. As his body lay in state in his Nairobi home last week, his fellow Luo tribesmen closed ranks against the rest of Kenya. Any mourner who was a Luo was welcomed, even if he had been an opponent of Economic and Development Minister Mboya. As the day wore on, Luo bitterness increased and even Mboya’s close friends, if they were Kikuyus, Tugens or of any other tribe, were turned away with taunts and stones.
The Requiem High Mass for Mboya in Nairobi’s Holy Family Cathedral be came a shambles. A crowd of 20,000, mostly Luo, jammed the cathedral square. When venerable President Jomo Kenyatta, a Kikuyu, arrived in his black, bulletproof Mercedes, the car was pelted with anything handy, even shoes. The police reacted with flailing batons and white-foaming tear-gas grenades. The gas penetrated the cathedral, and its sting set children wailing. Some of the harried congregation used holy water to rinse their eyes, and one retired government official died the next day of the gas’s aftereffects. The words of Archbishop J. J. McCarthy were lost in the shriek of sirens, the lamentations of women, the crash of plate-glass windows. When a rock smashed the windshield of his car, a German bank official drove into a tree and was killed.
Negative Rays
A public viewing of Mboya’s body, scheduled for that night, was canceled. At four in the morning, the funeral cortege set out, headed for the shores of Lake Victoria, the heartland of the Luos, 300 miles away. Mboya’s coffin was draped in the national colors of black, green and red, and covered with tropical flowers. Nothing went right. After only five miles, one car broke down. On the escarpment of the Rift Valley, the car carrying Mboya’s pregnant widow, Pamela, was involved in a three-car collision that injured five people. At Nakuru, where 50,000 had gathered, Pamela Mboya complained of chest pains. She was rushed to the local hospital, but when X rays proved negative, she returned to the cortege. The hearse broke down and was hastily repaired. Thereafter, it had to stop for ten minutes every 20 miles to prevent the radiator from boiling over.
The progress through Luo-land was agonizingly slow. Women in vividly patterned dresses flung themselves onto the road ahead of the hearse; men and boys clung to the hood and the body. Other Luos sat half naked by the road, smeared with the traditional clay of mourning, while witch doctors in white ostrich feathers and monkey-skin skirts pranced among them. Trucks, cars and buses decorated with palm fronds and jacaranda branches brought thousands more to vantage points along the way.
Strong forces of police, armed with Sten guns and rifles, charged repeatedly in an effort to keep the route open. At Kisamu, a grass fire started, and a curtain of ash hung in the air. The lamentations of the huge throng continued for hours after the cortege passed by.
The political effect of Mboya’s murder will apparently be to strengthen the opposition to the government. Mboya himself had been in Kenyatta’s Cabinet and a supporter of the government. But most Luos, led by Leftist Oginga Odinga, belong to the opposition Kenya People’s Union. Along the entire route of the cortege, crowds shouted the defiant party rallying cry of “Dume! Dame!”, which means bull, and refers to the K.P.U. party symbol. How badly the government will be hurt depends, of course, on how swiftly it can capture the assassin and on the discovery of which faction the killer represents. If the killer turns out to be a fellow Luo, the K.P.U. will be unable to use Mboya’s death against the government. But if he should be a Kikuyu, Kenya’s dominant tribe, Odinga will probably be able to rally Luos to his party in large numbers.
Buckskin Drums
The final leg of the journey was to Homa Bay on the shore of steel-gray Lake Victoria; the cortege arrived after nightfall, and the surrounding hills echoed with the ceaseless throb of buckskin drums. Another Requiem Mass was held, celebrated by the African Bishop of Kisii, Maurice Otunga, and throughout the night mourners filed past the casket at the rate of 100 per minute. Finally, the coffin was ferried across the choppy water to Rusinga Island, the ancestral home of Mboya’s clan. Outside the family home, Mboya’s coffin was placed under a shelter of poles and cornstalks—to take the coffin into the house would be to run the risk of bringing another death to the family. Next day, Mboya was buried beneath the yellow blossoms of an ayieke tree, together with his oxhide shield, beaded cap and walking stick, as required by Luo law. After five days, the tribal elders will go down to the lake to bathe and cleanse themselves of evil spirits.
The day city hitman felled political icon
Tuesday, 02 December 2003 21:13 – East African Standard
On the morning of Saturday July 5, 1969, the East African Standard carried a photograph of Tom Mboya taken at Embakasi Airport the previous day.
Resplendent in a business suit, he was striding briskly across the tarmac towards the camera. The men accompanying him were not identified in the caption, but were recognisable as his Permanent Secretary Philip Ndegwa and his brother Alphonce.
The team was coming from an Economic Commission of Africa meeting in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
Had he wanted to, Mboya could have stayed at the airport and boarded the next plane to London. He had been invited to attend a conference at the University of Sussex on “The Crisis of Planning”, due to begin on Monday July 7.
Official paperwork
But Mboya had gracefully declined the invitation, citing pressure of work.
At 9.30am, he arrived at his office at Treasury Building, Harambee Avenue. With his private secretary Otieno Nundu by his side, he became immersed in official paperwork.
But he also made time to finish writing a seven-page letter to William Scheinman, dealing frankly and rather worriedly with current politics.
Of the President’s efforts to reduce tensions among his ministers, Mboya wrote: “Outwardly this will ease matters, but the factions remain.”
Chiefly, however, he was concerned with the forthcoming round of Kanu primary elections. His enemies, he wrote, had raised a great deal of money to fight the primaries and he would need at least half as much — a minimum of £50,000 or $140,000 (about Sh10 million) — to ensure his supporters were secure.
“I am unable to appeal to any foreign government nor do I think that I should do this. Ironically people who receive money from foreign sources have levelled accusations against me. Ever since my trade union days and the students airlift, I have lived with a label of help from America. Sometimes I wish this were true!”
At midday, Mr J.D. Otiende, Minister for Health, passed by to say goodbye before he left for an overseas trip.
Shortly before 1pm, Mboya and Nundu left the office. Down in the Treasury car park, Mboya told his driver to go home, got into his car and drove off alone. A few minutes later, he pulled up on Government Road, outside Chhani’s Pharmacy.
The shop had just closed for the weekend, but Mboya was a regular at Chhani’s and often called there at this hour on a Saturday.
Indeed, the proprietors, Mr and Mrs Sehmi Chhani, were family friends of the Mboyas. As Mboya got out of the car, a man he knew, a freelance photographer, asked him casually what he was doing there at that time of day.
“Just shopping,” Mboya replied. He was well-dressed as usual in a suede jacket and a red shirt.
Mrs Mohini Sehmi Chhani opened the shop door for Mboya, and closed again behind him. He bought a small bottle of Alpha-Keri lotion, then stayed at the counter for some 10 minutes chatting up Mrs Sehmi and a pharmacist.
When Mboya was ready to go, Mrs Sehmi accompanied him to the door and opened it. They talked briefly; she was eager to know when he and Pamela would next be able to come to the Chhani home for dinner.
Window shopping
Outside the shop, seven or eight feet from the door, stood a young, slightly-built man in a dark suit, holding a briefcase in his left hand. His right hand was in his pocket. He appeared to be busy at window shopping.
Mboya said good-bye to Mrs Sehmi and shook hands with her. He then stepped out. Then two gunshots rung out.
“Tom, Tom, what is wrong? cried out Mrs Sehmi,” as Mboya slumped against her and they staggered back towards the shop.
“I saw blood on his shirt, which was red anyway, and I realised what had happened. He never uttered a word. He fell into my arms and began to slump to the ground.
I now had his blood on my hands and we managed more or less to break his fall and we helped him to the floor . . . I closed the door and called the pharmacist and said the police must be called in, as well as an ambulance.
Kenya: Post-Election Rape Survivors Sue Kenyan Govt
21 February 2013
Nairobi — Eight survivors of sexual violence committed in the wake of Kenya’s December 2007 general elections have taken the government to court over its alleged failure to protect them or investigate the crimes committed against them.
The case, which is being heard in the Nairobi High Court, comes just two weeks before another general election widely seen as a landmark for Kenya.
“The survivors are suing the government for non-action both in terms of protecting people from violence during this period [2007-2008] but also for failing to institute investigations to ensure perpetrators can be brought to book,” Saida Ali, the executive director of the Coalition on Violence Against Women (COVAW), told IRIN.
Those bringing the case to court include two male victims of sexual violence and six civil society organizations: COVAW, the Independent Medico-Legal Unit (IMLU), the Kenyan Section of the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ Kenya), and Physicians for Human Rights (PHR).
“Nobody wants to take the responsibility for these crimes. It is not just about the police but also public health facilities taking the responsibility to offer care and treatment to those affected,” Ali added.
The current constitution compels the government to provide services such as counseling, treatment and protection to victims of sexual violence. But women’s advocates say that too often these services are unavailable.
“The constitution is clear on the role of government in providing services to victims of SGBV [sexual and gender-based violence],” said Ali, who estimated that more than 3,000 incidents of sexual violence were committed after the 2007 election.
Physical and sexual violence against women is commonplace in Kenya, where it is rarely regarded as a serious crime, according to Battering, Rape and Lethal Violence, a recent report by the Small Arms Survey.
The report attributes this to “low status of women in society, patriarchal values and power structures focused on male dominance, discriminatory institutions and implementation of laws, [and] the absence of a legal framework on intimate partner violence.”
“The legal framework on sexual violence is strong but is not always implemented, and justice remains largely inaccessible, especially for poor women,” Claire Mc Evoy, the report’s author, told IRIN.
“We want to, among other things, use the case to compel the government to set up a special division within the High Court to deal with cases of SGBV,” Ali said.
[This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations.]
Let us devide This Kenya like Sudan!http://www.the-star.co.ke/news/article-108770/i-wont-resign-kimemia
How Smart (cunning) are GEMA-Kikuyus?The MUNGIKI threats on WILLY MUTUNGA …… Yash Pal Ghai’s take
The Kenyan DAILY POST Editor’s Choice 07:35
FROM YASH PAL GHAI:
Wed, Feb 20, 2013I have learnt, like those who came before me, that when bad governance and autocratic leadership becomes the norm, then resistance becomes an unavoidable duty! I have, this forenoon, read the statement by the Chief Justice with shock and disbelief that the axis of evil is rising up like the violent tide.
Yes, I know that we must not seek out shadows in the future, in the guided understanding that oftentimes the sun of tomorrow will dispatch them. But such sun must be our vigilance and unveiled willingness to stand up not only for what is right, but for what is just. It is evident to me that the executive arm of government is no more propelled by the wings of sufficient goodwill, and that the skewed manner in which the affairs of the nation are being handled incessantly suffers disgrace to the fabric of our national being. In other circumstances what we witness today would mistakenly pass for hyperbole.
The attack and malicious attempt on the life and office of the Chief Justice is a dark ribbon of disgrace on the arm of liberty. The civil society and all we Kenyans of sound judgment and good will must therefore rise up and address the nation and secure the indispensable future and freedom of all Kenyans. The whole earth, I have learnt from Pericles, is the tomb of heroic men and their story is not given only on stone over their clay but abides everywhere without visible symbol woven into the stuff of other men’s lives. Let us stand up for the glory of good governance and liberty.
Sincerely,
So what next about this letter coz its a cord member who had written it … The truth hurts bt always call a spade a spade