April 10, 2026

15 thoughts on “Murder of Civilians by the Army in Kenya: Martin Ngatia Calls for Revolution

  1. RAILA ODINGA is still the MOST POPULAR Presidential candidate – poll

    Friday November 23, 2012 – According to the latest poll carried by Infotrack Harris Prime Minister Raila Odinga is still the most popular Presidential candidate if elections are held today.

    The poll indicated that if the election is held today, 34 percent of Kenyans are confident that the PM will unite the country. Deputy Prime Minister Uhuru Kenyatta comes second with 24 percent, Musalia Mudavadi 10 percent, William Ruto 10 percent, Kalonzo Musyoka 10 percent and Peter Kenneth at 4.3 percent

    Also if elections were held today, 34 percent of the youths will vote for Raila Odinga compared to Uhuru Kenyata with 25 percent, William Ruto 9.8 percent, Musalia Mudavadi 10 percent, Kalonzo Musyoka 8.4 percent and peter Kenneth 4.6 percent.

    The poll was conducted between November 1 and 15.

    Infotrack Harris Company has been on the public scrutiny after it was established that it was being used by Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) as campaign machinery.

    The Kenyan DAILY POST

  2. Under the umbrella of Police Reforms Working Group (PRWG-K), they said the nominees have serious and credible integrity issues.

    “These allegations range from corruption, drug trafficking, contempt of court and their role during the 2007/2008 post-election violence,” noted Mr Oyoko, the acting co-ordinator of the Rights Promotion and Protection Centre.

    But Mr Johnston Kavuludi, the chairman of the National Police Service Commission, said the allegations were baseless. “We did not find any evidence or basis. They were just allegations and we could not hold onto them,” he said.

    But the civil society has urged the Parliamentary Committee on Administration and National Security to carry out thorough research on the four. The group challenged the Kavuludi-led commission to tell the public their findings on the four.

    Specifically, they sought to know the findings regarding Kaindi’s role in the post-election violence in Kisumu at a time when she was the Provincial Police boss.

    “Did the Commission investigate her alleged reluctance to co-operate with the International Criminal Court in procuring evidence to prosecute the perpetrators?” they posed. They are also demanded to know Kimaiyo’s role at the time as he was the Director of Operations at the Police headquarters.

    On Muhoro, the current director of the Criminal Investigations Department (CID), the group asked the commission to release their findings regarding his alleged role in the Democratic Republic of Congo gold syndicate, contempt of court accusations and claims of drug dealings.

    And on Arachi, the acting Administration Police Commandant, the group wants allegations of ethnic favouritism and corruption during his tenure made public.

    Clearing names

    Kaindi had told the commission during the vetting interview that she did all she could as the Nyanza police boss to address the violence that broke out after the announcement of the presidential election results.

    She dismissed claims that she had been unable to contain the situation, instead blaming armed gangs that operated in Nyalenda and Obunga slums for the violence.

    “I was there leading the operation. I did not hide and you can even review clips to confirm that I was there and in charge,” she said.

    Kaindi said she would push for better resources. “An ideal police station is supposed to have at least three vehicles.”

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  3. Are The Somali Third Rate Citizens?
    Saturday, November 24, 2012 – 00:00 — BY MUGAMBI

    Lawyer Mohamed Ibrahim said he felt “like a third rate citizen” following the announcement and implementation in November 1989 of an obviously illegal nationwide operation by the Kenyan government to screen the Somali community.

    This characterisation is apt: this week has been witness to unbridled attacks against the Somali Community sparked by two reprehensible events.

    In one instance, a clear terrorist attack on a matatu in Eastleigh, Nairobi led to reprisal attacks against the sizeable Somali community resident there.

    Despite the reality that most of those recently reported to have executed terrorist attacks in the country are not Somali, the fact that the prime suspects in this case were Somalis inflamed the situation to near-total social conflagration.

    In the second instance, a surprise gun attack in Garissa on members of the Kenya Defence Force by suspected terrorists led to a viciously brutal response by their colleagues who essentially shut down Garissa and violated local residents with wanton and ruthless abandon. Again, the target community was primarily Somali.

    As one analyst wondered aloud, would this have been the response of KDF personnel had these events occurred in say, Nyeri, the President’s home town?

    The argument being advanced here is simple: the Kenyan state has been nakedly hostile to the Somali community. This predates independence: the British colonial administration kept the Northern Frontier District which is now North Eastern Province (it was redrawn as North Eastern Province in 1963 and became almost exclusively Somali) “a closed district: As such the NFD was isolated administratively – no person could enter the area without a special license. Development has remained virtually frozen since its days of colonial isolation.”

    At independence, the overwhelming majority of the Somali wished to secede because of their cultural, political and economic attachment to Somalia but the new Kenyan government would have none of it: The newly independent Kenyan government justified its claims in the face of strong opposition by promising full integration of the territory into the new nation.

    This promise of integration, however, has not been achieved; it has barely been attempted. The area has remained isolated and underdeveloped, and ethnic Somalis are treated as an alien community in their own country.

    The independent Kenyan government instead used extraordinary powers to contain the secessionists and subdue what was perceived as a hostile and essentially proscribed community.

    The government’s response to the demands of the secessionists was a special regime of emergency powers introduced in the new constitution applicable only in Kenya’s newly-named North Eastern Province.

    And so have continued pernicious practices against members of the Somali community. Even the nomenclature commonly associated with the Somali community “shifta” is not only derogatory of them but also a dehumanizing socio-cultural stereotype that rationalizes the diverse violations constantly visited on them. For shifta actually means bandit. To advance this denuded argument: what is wrong in using strong-arm tactics against a community that “naturally” engages in banditry?

    Because of this attitude, it is then possible for the vast majority of Kenyans to feel no iota of outrage when the KDF can, in retaliation of what was clearly an unacceptable attack against their own, reportedly close down Garissa, shoot, rape and maim residents and also burn and destroy property worth millions of shillings.

    Deputy Speaker Farah Maalim and several other legislators lamented: “The women have been raped, schoolchildren shot and even Duale (Dujis MP Adan Duale) was held hostage in the town…Right now the entire Garissa is in tatters, millions have been lost after the military officers went burning businesses in the town.”

    Questions arise over the (dis)proportionate response by state officers. Moreover, another set of questions arise regarding the respect of the rule of law and protection of human rights which dictate that all are to be deemed and treated as innocent until proved guilty, that individuals can only be sanctioned by the state after the due process of the law has been sedulously followed, and that individuals are protected from communal punishment because responsibility is individual rather than communal.

    Clearly, all these principles and values – explicitly spelt out and enshrined in the 2010 Constitution – are considered by state officials (and even Kenyan citizens going by the events in Eastleigh) as merely “pious platitudes”; especially with regard to the Somali community.

    Tragically, the clear lack of movement with regard to the protection of the human rights of the Somali community is underlined and amplified by the fact that the atrocities perpetrated in Garissa this week echo another incident in this town’s history. This is the massacre of Bulla Karatasi. Here is one description of this saddening episode:

    In November 1980, security forces burned down Bulla Karatasi, an entire village in…Garissa, after six government officials had been killed. Security forces swept through the village in arbitrary and gruesome retaliation.

    Hundreds of people died and many were wounded as they tried to flee. Bodies of those killed in what the government called “a necessary security measure” were buried early in the morning in a mass grave; other bodies were said to have been thrown in the river. The massacre reportedly began following revenge killings by a local Kenyan-Somali nicknamed “Madhobe.”

    He killed six government officials before being arrested and was then castrated by members of the Anti-Poaching Unit…After the massacre, the local population was rounded up and interrogated.

    Thousands of Kenyan-Somalis were beaten by the security forces and accused…of harbouring anti-government elements…They were deprived of food, water and sleep for thirty-two hours. Provincial Commissioner Benson Kaaria said “a thousand Somalis will die” for every government official killed, and threatened to “eliminate” all Somali-speaking Kenyans. A dusk-to-dawn curfew was announced.”

    Clearly, not much has changed from those dark days. This was a time when former Minister of Internal Security, GG Kariuki was reported in the daily press saying “the only good Somali is a dead one.” What a pity that Kenya has not at all progressed from the bondage of such a biliously hateful mind set!

    Mugambi Kiai is the Kenya Programme Manager at the Open Society Initiative for Eastern Africa (OSIEA). The views expressed in this article are entirely his own and do not reflect the views of OSIEA.

  4. These two Guys were assasinated by Kibaki security Boys(agents)( NSIS)
    There is no skill that can replace effort!!(- Nils A. Eggen)
    Oscar Kamau & John P Oulu , SHALL NEVER BE 4GOTTEN

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