June 9, 2026

8 thoughts on “Shocking Photos of Omtatah Attack

  1. Raila Odinga is the Only President who will punish such criminals thats why the Ruling Kikuyus are against Raila Presidency (Vote Raila and expect him to Punish Muderers and lords of Impunity!

  2. It is realy sad on what hapened to our bro omtata.Imet him for the first time during prayer day at all saints cat for those who died at uhuru park bomb no campain iwas among those that escaped norrowly.He is humble man,i join other kenyans to condem such inhuman act.As iwish him quick recovery i ask our gvmn to bring to book those criminals .Rev lagat Nrb

  3. I WITNESSES
    ICC SEEKS TO SHIELD MUNGIKI WITNESSES
    Friday, November 16, 2012 – 00:00 — BY NZAU MUSAU
    Bensouda
    ICC Prosecutor Fatou Bensouda at the press conference yest. Bensouda said Kenyan Govt will face sanctions if it fails to cooperate with the ICC with regard to the cases before it. Photo/ Jack Owuor

    ICC chief prosecutor Fatou Bensouda has applied for a delay in revealing the identities of her 15 key witnesses to Deputy Prime Minister Uhuru Kenyatta and Eldoret North MP William Ruto over concerns for their security.

    Out of the 15, six are expected to testify in the case against Uhuru and former Cabinet Secretary Francis Muthaura while the rest apply to the case against Ruto and former radio broadcaster Joshua Sang.

    The four are charged with crimes against humanity at the court. Four of the six witnesses to be called in the Uhuru/Muthaura case are former Mungiki insiders who Bensouda says will provide “substantial linkage evidence” on the role of the two officials in the 2007-08 post-election violence.

    Bensouda wants to be allowed not to reveal the identities of the witnesses until 30 days before the trial date or 30 days before the date they are expected to testify.

    “The nature of the insiders’ evidence creates a powerful incentive to interfere with them so that they do not testify. Each Insider provides unique evidence that cannot be obtained from other sources, and which has substantial incriminatory value,” she said of the 15 witnesses.

    One “Witness 219” provides evidence regarding the strategic meetings in which the Rift Valley attacks were organised and set in motion. He has testimony on the instructions, money and materials provided by Uhuru and Muthaura.

    “Witness 428” is the one who received the money, uniforms and guns which Bensouda says were sent by Uhuru and Muthaura to aid the retaliatory attacks.

    Bensouda says the in light of the limited pool of Mungiki senior members who are still alive and willing to testify, the evidence by the four is irreplaceable.

    “Were they to be tampered with, it would substantially affect the prosecution’s case. This creates a powerful incentive to interfere with the insiders,” she told the trial judges.

    She seemed to suggest that the three insider witnesses who were relied on by the prosecution during the confirmation of charges stage have since been threatened.

    Bensouda says several Mungiki senior members have “disappeared” or been murdered probably by the Kenyan security apparatus. Most of those eliminated were instrumental in the Mungiki’s participation in the violence, she says.

    Bensouda says the murdered Mungiki leaders had “direct knowledge” of Uhuru’s and Muthaura’s contributions to the crimes against humanity. She says the four witnesses view these killings as part of “a post-PEV cleanup” operation to conceal the involvement of Uhuru and Muthaura in the violence.

    Bensouda cites the murder of Charles Ndung’u Wagacha who was the Mungiki acting chairman during the violence. Wagacha is alleged to have attended meetings with PNU senior officials and liaised with them on behalf of Mungiki leader Maina Njenga, who was in Naivasha prison at the time.

    Wagacha and his brother George Njoroge Wagacha, who was a personal assistant of Maina Njenga, and their cousin Naftali Irungu were shot dead in April 29, 2008 at Mai Mahiu at the height of the crackdown on Mungiki.

    They were on their way to Naivasha prison to visit Maina Njenga. Bensouda describes Naftali Irungu as a member of the Mungiki top leadership cell, who received money from PNU politicians to organise attacks during the violence.

    Bensouda also cites Maina Kangethe Diambo, who was present at several meetings with PNU officials and Mungiki members during the violence period, including the often denied meeting at State House.

    Diambo went missing on July 6, 2008. His family have since claimed Diambo was lured from the Nairobi bus station where he was managing and coordinating Dandora matatus to a city hotel from where he disappeared.

    His body has never been found. Others listed are former Mungiki spokesman Njuguna Gitau Njuguna who was shot dead in broad daylighton Luthuli Avenue in Nairobi in 2010.

    Bensouda says Gitau “played a central role in deploying Mungiki members to Naivasha” during the violence. “The past killings of Mungiki members who had apparent firsthand knowledge of the accuseds’ role in the PEV demonstrates the risks that the insiders face once their cooperation with the prosecution is disclosed,” she argues.

    The fifth witness is “Witness 118” who is said to have “unique knowledge regarding the organisation’s operations in the PEV and the accuseds’ roles therein.”

    According to Bensouda, this particular witness views the Kenyan state security apparatus as the most significant threat to his security. According to Bensouda, the witness hopes that if the government changes in the March 2013 elections, his security situation will improve.

    The last of witnesses against Uhuru-Muthaura is “Witness 7” who has provided evidence regarding victims of the retaliatory attacks and not individual contributions of the accused.

    Bensouda says all the nine witnesses in the Ruto case have specific security concerns on their safety, physical and psychological wellbeing, dignity and privacy.

    “Given the objective risks to the individuals as a result of their status as prosecution witnesses, the individuals in question would not enjoy meaningful protection were the disclosure of their identities not delayed,” she says.

    Bensouda argues that the defence will not be prejudiced by the delays. This is because they apply to a limited number of witnesses whose identities will be revealed in ample time.

    She has blacked out the justification for seeking to delay the identities of the nine. The ICC judges will rule on whether to grant or reject Bensouda’s application.

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