Mudavadi is Not the Saint He Pupports to Be

Seen more as a dishonest traitor than a new Saint.

When Musalia Mudavadi began his campaign for internal democracy in Orange Democratic Party (ODM) I knew that something was wrong. I recalled how Mudavadi, together with Wycliffe Oparanya and Yusuf Chanzu joined ODM activists in Emuhaya had campaigned for the current MP Wilbur Ottichillo after Kenneth Marende ascended to the position of Speaker of the National Assembly. So his war of attrition against his own party, reminded me of two historical events. One during Kanu era and the other, during the era of the Mugwumps in American history in 1884.

During the Kanu era, those of us who did not like Kanu, had to fight Kanu within Kanu. Those who left after the advent of multiparty lost their jobs, while those who remained faithful to the party got cushy jobs in public service. The second historical event was the era in American history when Republicans chose to support Groves Cleveland — a Democratic candidate — during the presidential election of 1884. These Democrats switched parties because the Republican candidate, James Blaine, had been tainted by financial corruption of that time, all the while employing that the “sanctimonious or had a holier-than-thou” attitude.

Was it a farce?
It is my contention that after five years in the cold following the 2002 elections, Mudavadi held a grudge against ODM. So he joined ODM in 2007 — not because he loved the party or its ideology — but so as to destroy the party from within. After all, this is a lesson from Raila when he joined Kanu and worked closely with Moi, endorsing Kanu’s theory of ruling Kenya for a hundred years. This then explains Mudavadi’s paradox of freedom and internal democracy. According to Fareed Zakaria of Newsweek, those who want to abuse freedom most have used this strategy.

Inherent contradictions
No president has attached his name more completely to promotion of democracy than George W Bush. Yet it was Bush who attacked Iraq and escalated the war on Afghanistan under the pretext of 9/11. This reality has forced many Luhya to question where Mudavadi can be an advocate and guardian of democracy, yet he was the same one who rebuked the Luhya elders (Burundi Nabwera, Ambassador Justus Mudavadi — his uncle and Mr Wangamati) who made efforts to mitigate against the unbroken string of negative war of attrition between the Deputy Prime Minister and Raila Odinga.

Most have also forgotten the deliberate and vindictive attempt by the Deputy Prime Minister to weaken ODM in Emuhaya. For a long time, Members of Parliament from the Itamis or Emuhaya had to get permission from the late Hon Substone Mudavadi — sometimes referred to as the “King of the Mululu” — before seeking any office. And just last month, an ODM branch chief in Emuhaya “was ousted for backing Raila”. If followers of the DPM believe in democracy, why would they kick a person out of office because he expressed a political standpoint that is different?

And now that he has abandoned ODM, Mudavadi is leaving a people who looked up to him for guidance and leadership integrity. It could be that Mudavadi has been called upon by ‘Raila hate groups’ who feel that the status quo will not be maintained if Raila comes to power. These could be the landed aristocracy afraid of historical injustices in the land sector, or the monied aristocracy who fear that Raila will bring out the scandals of the past.

When economists talk about moral hazards, they mean a situation where there is tendency for one to take undue risks because the costs are not borne by the party taking the risk. A person with insurance against his house or business, for example, may be less cautious because the negative consequences of the fire are now the responsibility of the insurance company. Is Mudavadi looking for a safe haven? According to the DPM, it took him five years to realise how poor and limited ODM really is. This is plausible. But it bears remembering that all the major scandals from Ken-Ren, Goldenberg, Anglo Leasing to Grand Regency are in the hands of the ruling class.

Class of allegiance
If ODM takes power, chances are that all the historical injustices about land and scandals are likely to be exposed. It also bears remembering that the Goldenberg scandal took place the DPM was the Minister for Finance. Musalia is a child and heir apparent of status quo. He is a Western Province replica of many such symbols of ethnicity.

Mudavadi has turned out to be a force of divisive politics. No name represents the splendor and catastrophe of political division so completely and conspicuously as that of Mudavadi. He has proved to Kenyans that allegiance to class and status quo must always take precedence over allegiance to nation, as was evidenced in the push to save the Ocampo Four.

Indiatsi Nasibi
The writer is a lecturer of management and economics at USIU.


  • Thorncroft Nubian

    cccUpdating The Past, Informing The Future
    Construction of Roads

    Raila Odinga 38.0%
    Uhuru Kenyatta 11.7%
    Musalia Mudavadi 5.9%
    William Ruto 5.1%
    Kalonzo Musyoka 4.9%
    Martha Karua 2.8% 3.6%
    Peter Kenneth 1.5% 2.8%
    Raphael Tuju 1.5%
    Eugene Wamalwa 1.2%
    George Saitoti 1.0%
    Ole Kiyapi 0.8%
    Charity Ngilu 0.4%
    Mutava Musyimi 0.1%
    Cyrus Jirongo 0.1% … ategic.pdf

  • Ngolia Kimanzu

    Good analysis Indiatsi. The man seems to have some following though-at least going by the press reports.

  • Victor Oothee

    Watch this Space very carefully MM (Musali Mudavadi) can only make a good (cook) he is very good in cooking (hens) for their colonial Masters the (British)What else historically are Luhyas known ever since Kenya became a British Colony?
    Hawa ni Watu wanajulikana kama (Watu wa Kuku) Populary known as chepechepe!Just place Mluhya in your Kitchen and i promise you will be eating the best Chicken-curry you have never tasted.
    Politically the very capricious (useless) Village chief will never make it to the highest seat of the Land!(Quote me)

  • i agree entirely.mudavadi was a spy in odm without people knowing.he was agent of evil forces well debriefed to steal and leak secrets of odm to its adversaries with ultimate goal to undermine the party.he messed up Serena negotiations,never in his long treacherous public life has he ever initiated or supported public policy which benefits the ordinary Kenyans.he is an imitator,never original thinker,follower loyalist not leader or warrior he purports to be he slept with kanu all through when kanu was destroying Kenya and Kenyans kabisa,he never saw anything wrong.
    he partook part in looting Kenya kabisa via golden berg,grabbing of city council houses in woodley estate and he never saw anything wrong
    he was minister in charge of ncpb when cereals were irregularly bought and disposed causing deep financial problems for treasury and world bank and to Kenyans.he never saw anything wrong.he and his henchmen became wealthy while Kenya and Kenyans stagnated and suffered..
    when pro reform narc,ford Kenya etc took root to transform and democratize Kenya and cleanse Kenyans from evils of kanu and its men,mudavadi was not there.he was for no need for change.he was with moi stealing and killing democracy crusaders.when new dawn came,he quickly changed sides and started mimicking language of democracy,same script with uhuru,ruto,jirongo and their many bandwagons and cheer leaders.
    mudavadi believes in moi brand of economics—–rob wanainchi who are majority and enrich few elites like mudavadi,ruto,jirongo,uhuru,,mark toos,makweres,ballalas of this world,kanyaingis, etc who in turn hold harambes for poor Kenyans who should be grateful for their generosity,kindness and philanthropy.
    he is definitely not happy with democracy,transformation taking place in Kenya just like moi,ruto,uhuru,kalonzo,not happy with Kenya and Kenyans because these were achieved without their input,in-spite their opposition and treachery to reforms they think they can use stolen wealth to bring confusion on Kenyans to stall reforms by offering their candidature.
    Kenyans should join hands to expose these people for who they are and what huge they can inflict on Kenyans and insist that elements of kanu diehards like mudavadi are not entrusted to seer reforms and transformation of Kenya. history must expose all traiotors and their full account of crimes against Kenyan and Kenyans in the recent past,for this is whatttttttttttttttt the likes of mudavadi are really — lice,bedbugs,

  • Annmarie Mwalomet

    But then neither is Raila. So that makes two of us. Your analysis is a little silly, and puerile to boot. But that is expected!!!

  • Keen Observer

    Imagine Such a Thick guy becoming Kenyas Fouth President?Kenya must be a cursed Country! Why is he supporting Kibakis Illegal and anti-new constitution appointments of Pcs,dos,dcs,chiefs and sub-chiefs which is an old colonial legacy to oppress the people of Kenya.
    Musalia Mudavadi would be worse than both Moi and Kibaki combined!

  • Is Mudavi a real Genuine Mkenya? I thout MM ia an Ugandan You never know these People along the border.

  • Political opportunists like Musyoka and Mudavadi who think they are doing themselves a favour by supporting Kibaki’s illegality are going to end with egg all over their faces when when the whole ugly scheme falls apart as it sure will very soon. Plus they have completely failed to read the mood of the nation.

    Here is the CIC Chair:….az/-/index.html

  • Benjamin K . Muraa

    Wakenya be very careful this time GEMA-Oligachs ,hegemonics,and chauvinists.are very cunning than all other Kenya tribes . There are great dangers that as we approach the elections, certain security organs might turn rogue and partisan for the purposes of the election.

    This will be compounded if the civilian officials in the loop elect to pursue narrow political interests that are in the same wavelength as those of the security organs.

    The twilight period of any regime is usually the period when the worst damage occurs across the political and financial institutions of the State. In Kenya, especially due to the infancy and fragility of institutions, greater vigilance is required.

  • 20th May 12
    East Africa cannot be a tribal society
    Guardian on Sunday Correspondent
    With four prominent persons facing possible charges for crimes against humanity at The Hague and hundreds of internally displaced persons not yet returned to their former homes as a result of the post 2007 general election violence, one would expect that Kenyans had learnt their bitter lesson against fratricidal culture and now hate tribal politics with the intensity of contracting leprosy.

    But alas, that is not the case. Reports coming out of East Africa’s strongest economy point to intensified going back to the primitive practices of tribal politics as Kenyans look to the next Presidential election on March 4, 2013. The election itself has been the result of much political haggling. Originally slotted for August this year, it was later moved to December before the High Court ruled that it be held on March 4, next year.

    Recent voices speaking against the ugly head of tribal politics rearing its head again in Kenyan society have come from retired Anglican Church Bishop, David Gitari, former Attorney General, Charles Njonjo, a controversial figure in his own heyday and Prime Minister Raila Odinga. Mr Njonjo was especially critical of Uhuru Kenyatta and the Kikuyu in general for harbouring the view that the President of Kenya must always come from the wombs of their mothers.

    I have nothing against the Kikuyu producing Kenya’s third president as long as he or she is popularly elected by all Kenyans. What I am against is for politicians in Kenya, Gikuyus and others, to rally their followers along tribal affinities as the basis of their power base. In Kenya, it is not just the Gikuyu who are cancerously tribal but the whole country, which is actually a big disservice to the East African spirit for deeper integration, including political federation.

    Of the tribal groupings, there is the Council of Luos from PM Odinga’s own Luo community, Kaya, from the Coast, Kamatusa for the Kalenjin, Maasai, Turkana and Samburu alliance and many others. Mr Raila warned Kenya could drift into tribal violence again following the re-emergence of tribal political parties.

    In a way that has always been the nature of Kenya’s political history. The important thing is to reject that infamous past. If we look at the bigger picture, Kamatusa is merely the reincarnation (in some form not totally) of the Kenya African Democratic Union (KADU), which was formed as a counter force to the Kenya African National Union (KANU), that led Kenya to independence from Britain in 1963.

    KADU, formed largely to advance the interests of the community of what is now Kamatusa, was always pro federalism while KANU preferred central authority. KADU has since faded from Kenya’s political landscape while KANU, no longer the ruling party, lives on only as morasses of its former glory.

    During the struggle for independence KANU, under the leadership of Mzee Jomo Kenyatta (Uhuru’s father) won the day but the new constitution has divided Kenya into counties that will be semi autonomous administrations under governors, away from direct central rule from the capital, Nairobi. If we look at it then, it is like some 50 years after independence, the concerns of the Kamatusa community have finally been taken on board But that is no reason for reverting to tribal leanings.

    The new constitution aims at hastening development and not to foster tribal sentiments. While federalism in 1960 could have been divisive,counties in 2013 are not because Kenyans have graduated to a higher degree of nationalism. Tribes are no longer a threat to national unity

    in Kenya much in the same way as Kingdoms are longer a factor for national disintegration in Uganda, which could have easily been the case in the early days of independence.

    East Africa cannot afford tribal politics or to entertain tribal sentiments in any way. If Kenyans want to be a tribal community, then the best way is for them to quit the East African Community (EAC) or be shown the way out.

    If anything, Rwanda is living testimony of thedangers of negative ethnicity. East Africa therefore, cannot be a tribal community.

    The writer is a seasoned Tanzanian journalist currently writing for the East African News Agency. He filed this commentary from Arusha.

  • Did the Luhya really jump ship with Musalia?
    Friday, 25 May 2012 23:46 BY IBRAHIM ORUKO

    One curios thing stood out when Musalia Mudavadi finally took the bold step and eased himself out of ODM slightly less than two weeks ago. The DPM took the opportunity to pay tribute to his wife, thanking her profusely for firmly sticking besides in the rough and tumble political journey. Ndaragwa MP Jeremiah took the cue and poured unstinting praises to the lady, thanking her for “making all these happen”.

    Curiously, Musalia didn’t not as much as extend similar show of love to the people of Sabatia, who besides Tessi, have over time re-elected him in the topsy-turvy that is Kenyan politics since he first started the journey way back in 1989. Musalia’s statement coupled with that of Kioni suggests that the lady must have played more than a cursory role in the DPM’s political divorce from ODM than is being publicly acknowledged. Which makes Musalia’s exit from ODM all the more curious, not so much as the timing as the manner it was executed.

    For the first time ever, the luhya community finds itself in the political crossroad: either to stick together and support one of their own, who probably stands the best chance to improve on the performance of those before him, like Kijana Wamalwa, Martin Shikuku and even Nixon. Yet, the feeling is that UDF is not entirely Musalia. They see the party’s State House connection and hesitate to move along because they believe that Musalia may be a project of the powerful political elite.

    There are those who believe that Musalia should have joined New Ford Kenya, Ford Kenya or at worst start his political outfit that has no connection to any other force. Starting on his own, or joining any of the existing “luhya parties”, would have reinforced Musalia’s “Shienyu ni shienyu” slogan and given him a headstart over ODM or any other force in the region.

    Instead, Musalia chose UDF, a party that is affiliated to PNU and President Kibaki. He has planted the seed of doubt among his own people who now don’t trust that his bid for the top seat is for the good of the country and not a ploy to safeguard the interests of reactionary forces. Mudavadi’s political rebirth, though venerated elsewhere, seems to be riding its luck in the four counties that are inhabited by his own community.

    A vast majority of the region’s MPs, most of them in ODM, have refused to move arguing that the luhya’s best chances to the top are best served with an alliance with the neighbours, the Luo. With that single act, Musalia wadded into the Luo-kikuyu myth that has over time defined the political development of the modern Kenyan state.

    It would appear Musalia has rejected the Luo and endorsed the Kikuyu as a trusted people worth doing business with it. His acrimonious exit from ODM has fortified the myth that the Luo are unreliable people and cannot lead. This is exemplified with his call on Raila Odinga to quit politics and retire honourably. It is further noted that Musalia’s harshest words of his political career have been directed towards Raila, and there have been debates since Sunday on whether he could extend similar language to President Kibaki, Uhuru Kenyatta or even Martha Karua.

    In this crusade, Musalia has employed the services of Ikolomani MP Bonny Khalwale and Housing Minister Soita Shitanda as the Trojan horses of what is clearly unfolding as an anti-Raila, anti-Luo scheme. The New Ford Kenya duo are the face of this rejection and can be relied upon to ruthlessly execute the war without as much as a second thought as witnessed during the recent burial of Nairobi city mayor’s dad in Vihiga.

    Khalwale’s anti-Raila, and to an extent, anti-Luo, sentiments during the burial were not an accident. They characterise the brand of politics he has espoused ever since he joined Parliament as a Narc legislator in 2003. In leaving ODM, Musalia did not just opt to go to bed with some of his harshest critics in the region, but chose to use the two MPs probably because they symbolise the anti-Luo feeling within the Luyia community.

    Khalwale, the louder of the two, hails from Idakho sub-tribe, while Soita is from the Kabras, who alongside the Isukha of Shinyalu, have always held prejudice against the Luo based on primordial cultural practises, like circumcision, and football. Within these communities, circumcision is a tool of valour and subjugation, where youth are socialised to believe that they are superior to the Luo just because they have “faced the knife”.

    This thinking is predominant within the communities around Kakamega and could as well account for Khalwale’s political behaviour since 2003. The indication of this behaviour was first exposed by Khalwale in 2003 during the burial of former vice president Kijana Wamalwa in Kitale. Raila had arrived in the town in style to pay his last respect to the fallen VP in a typical Luo tradition. With a lorry load of bulls as his gift to the family, Raila descended into the town clad in Luo traditional regalia and went on to conduct a mock tero buru ceremony at the Kitale showground.

    However, this gesture didn’t amuse the ultra-conservative luhyas like Khalwale. They hastily organised a counter ceremony in the name of cleansing the venue on the grounds that Raila’s had desecrated the venue because he was not circumcised. This is the ideology that has characterised Khalwale’s stint in Parliament and which has made him “tough and merciless” when tackling Raila and ODM ministers and completely mellow and fearful when dealing with PNU-allied ministers.

    It is precisely because of this that Khalwale would go ballistic against Anyang Nyong’o over NHIF, using demeaning terms to describe him but go completely mute on Amos Kimunya’s skewed appointment of KPA board and pretend that the Triton scam was a scandal that never was. Shitanda has been the leader of New Ford Kenya since 2006. He founded the party by stabbing Musikari Kombo, then Ford Kenya leader, at the back.

    Yet, throughout this period, he has never shown any interest to lead. He has never declared his interest in the presidency, even though he has never wasted any opportunity to attack Musalia for not seeking the presidency. Kombo has since joined the anti-Raila brigade. Even though he is the PM’s agemate, and both were in the struggle for the so-called second liberation, Kombo has found it easy to be Uhuru Kenyatta, William Ruto and Eugene Wamalwa’s cheerleader.

    In fact, Kombo has since joined New Ford Kenya and discarded Ford Kenya, not just the party he led and brought down, but the one that espouses the ideas of Masinde Muliro, the preeminent. Other luhya communities like Abanyole of Emuhaya, the Kisa of Khwisero, Marama of Butere and Wanga of Mumias have refused to move with Musalia, at least if the position of their MPs is any guide.

    Most of these communities in Kakamega and Busia have no fundamental problem with the Luo, probably because they share a lot in terms of culture and economy. It is not that the two sides have been marginalised by successive regimes, but there are cases where some Luhya sub-tribes and the Luo of Siaya share some common cultural practices. The two sides have coexisted for many years without any major hitch. But there have never been hitches among them. Around Maseno area, the two sides where there has been a dispute over the natives of the area.

    Yet, this hitches have not been as significant as to cause violence or tension between them as witnessed other areas. The argument is that the DPM has not given sufficient reasons of his exit from ODM that would warrant them to move with him and because they essentially have no fundamental problem with the luo. The same would appear to Abanyala of Budalang’i, Samia of Funyula, Marachi of Butula and Abakahayo of Nambale who have refused to be carried by the excitement of one of their own being in power.

    The Abatsotso of Lurambi are most likely to throw their lot with the cousins in Kisa and Marama, while political matrix in Lugari could be complicated owing to the area’s cosmopolitan nature. Musalia’s action has literally thrown the Bukusu in a spin. With at least four individuals interested in the big seat, it is likely that the Bukusu will view his entry in the race with less than a passing interest.

    That will depend on how Eugene Wamalwa and Moses Wetangula fare and exploit Musalia’s entry in the race. Most of these communities do not consider the Luo as their enemies much as they believe that reasons advanced by Musalia for leaving are insufficient to justify the decision he has taken. In Vihiga George Khaniri’s support for UDF is justifiable because it all but guarantees him the senatorship of the Vihiga county.

    Khaniri expects to easily sail through because the Maragoli would easily endorse him for the seat for standing by Musalia during this troubled times of his political career. But this will have its challenges. The Abanyole may spoil the party. Being one of those populous communities, they will definitely veto any action that alienates them from mainstream politics of the county.

  • Mudavadi accused of stealing needy families land

    Friday, 25th May 2012 – There is bad blood between Deputy Prime Minister’s family and 17 families over ownership of a 100-acre piece of land in Trans-Nzoia County.The families are accusing the Mudavadi’s family of fraudulently acquiring the land at Kapkoi in Kwanza District. They claim that the tycoon’s family is planning to evict them.

    Reportedly, under Settlement Fund Trust, the land causing a dispute was allocated to former minister, the late Francis Lotodo who sold it to Musalia’s father Moses Mudavadi.The troubled families claim that the late Francis Lotodo sold them the land before it was acquired by the Mudavadi family. The Mudavadi’s are now planning to sell it to the Government for the resettlement of IDPs.

    The situation was quite tense at the farm when Kwanza District Commissioner Gabriel Risie accompanied by officials from the Ministry of Special Programmes toured the land for the anticipated purchase.Justus Wekesa, the spokesperson of the families, claimed that more than 60 people settled on the land after the sale agreement with Lotodo.Justus said, “Our fathers acquired the land from the late Lotodo after paying some money and we don’t know how the Mudavadi family went ahead to purchase the same.”According to Wekesa, Mudavadi has betrayed them and refused to fulfil promises he made in the past. Apparently, The DPM had agreed to have the land divided into two parcels and shared by the Mudavadis and the families.

    Apparently, the families have threatened to sue the DPM and three other members of his family: the DPM’s mother Hannah Asyangale, Rosebell Jerono (stepmother) and Geoffrey Kegode (stepbrother).According to the Ministry of Lands, the registered owners of the land are Mudavadi, Asyangale, Jerono and Kegode .The Mudavadi family has disowned the families. Lawyer Andrew Musangi, representing the DPM wrote back to the families. “We wish to advise that your clients are complete strangers to our clients. We wish to confirm for the avoidance of doubt, our clients are the registered owners of the parcel of land.”

    Lillian Kiarie, The Kenyan DAILY POST

  • MUdavadi will have to contend with past ghosts of mega corruption inter alia.
    1.corruption at ncpb when he was the minister there.
    2.corruption at ministry of transport and communication when he was minister including seririous mismanangement at port of mombasa.
    3..corruption related to golden berg when he was minister for finance.
    4.theft of city council of nairobi houses council of nairobi fraudulent purchase of cementry land in athi river..
    6.His polilitical tendencyof sleeping with rogue state of kanu during dark days andfashioning policies to harm kenyans and kenya in the late 80s,19190s and 2002 when kenyans were fighting for meaningful change.

    of what good has been mudavadis sajourn in politics to kenya and kenyans in any case ?
    kenya stand cursed to have the likes of mudavadi seeking presidency.we see resurgent of dark forces of old kanu and kibaki remnants seeking to reverse inevtable rebirth of kenya and stalling chanegs,reform path and transformation into modern state.
    i now understand the pain museveni had when he saw dark forces in uganda ,forces of backwardness seeking to harvest democratic fruits which they never sowed.we revolutionaries in kenya are trully disappointed with like of evil forces like mudavadi,uhuru,ruto,kalaonzo trying to turn tide of democratic changes which jaramogi,masinde muliro,martin shikuku,paul muite,gitobu imanyara,james orengo,koigi wamwere,keneth matiba,raila odinga,anyang nyongo,mwandawiro mgagha,mwachofi,chibule watsuma,bahmariz,late wamalwa kijana etc fought so hard to bring in kenya against avery intrasigent regime of kanu insiders then led by mois,mudavadis,uhurus,kibaki group,rutos,kalonzo musyoka s etc etc.
    kenya must wake up and reject reincarnation of this democratic pretenders

  • Mudavadi is a State House Project

    I will protect Kibaki – Mudavadi pledges

    Sunday July 1,2012 – In what might be seen as politics of friendship, Deputy Prime Minister Musalia Mudavadi has vowed to protect President Mwai Kibaki when he retires from office and avoid a scenario such as happened in other African countries where leaders are victimised and not allowed to retire in peace.

    Speaking at President Kibaki’s Nyeri backyard on Saturday, Mudavadi said he would carry on with development projects that President Kibaki has initiated to spur the country’s economy.

    Mr Mudavadi called on Kenyans to respect President Kibaki, saying it was unfair to blame everything on an individual tasked to lead over 40 million Kenyans.

    “President Moi ensured Kenyatta and his family were protected when he took over, and Kibaki has done the same to Moi family. I will ensure that President Kibaki is also protected,” Mudavadi said.

    Mudavadi who is also a presidential hopeful in the forthcoming general elections called leaders to shun tribalism and mediaeval politics, noting that such vices are affecting lives of many Kenyans.

    Mudavadi was accompanied by Ikolomani MP Bony Khalwale, Industrialisation Assistant Minister Nderitu Muriithi and other senior government officials.

    Kenyan DAILY POST


  • Tessy Shangatta Mudavadi almost stepped into the shoes of the First Lady when her husband, Mr Musalia Mudavadi was the Vice-President for a short stint in 2002. Tessy is little known in public and close confidantes say she is reserved, but that she is an ardent supporter of her husband’s political quest.

    “Tessy has been instrumental to Mudavadi’s success as an MP for Sabatia constituency and she has stood by him in his career,” said a close friend. People close to the family gave insights into a would-be First Lady who is both a hard-working businesswoman and a wife to one of Kenya’s best-known politicians.

    Tessy, who has been married to Mudavadi for 15 years, is the fourth born daughter in a family of seven of retired Deputy Commissioner of Police, Mr Alphonse Mulama and the late Juliana Mulama of Lugari District. Her father, a businessman based in Eldoret town, also served as the chairman of Chemilil Sugar Company. Tessy and Mudavadi have three children, two boys and one girl, who all school in Nairobi.

    The couple met when Mudavadi had just been appointed the Minister for Marketing and Supplies. “When they met she was working in a bank in Eldoret, but she later resigned to work in a family business,” said a family friend. Tessy is the managing director of Corts Limited, a family company handling Tour and Travel business.

    Mudavadi has vast business interest ranging from insurance, banking to commodity supplies, which Tessy also oversees. Tessy also holds brief for Mudavadi in the vast family farming interests in Trans Nzoia. As First Lady, she says she would be best positioned to make tremendous steps and achieve greater targets in healthcare.

    “My focus as First Lady would be on nursing, young mothers and healthcare,” she says. Tessie, who considers herself very politically aware, says the two women she would love to work closely with are Prof Miriam Were and Hon Ruth Oniang’o.

    Tessy is a staunch member of Friends Quakers Church and occasionally makes her husband break off from his tight political schedule to go to church, said a friend. She did her ‘O’ and ‘A’ level at Moi Girls’ Eldoret and got her university education overseas.

    Last Edited: Tue 03rd July 2007 at 02:13:59 PM By Mars Group Kenya

  • Mukurima Muriuki

    The soccer analogy by deputy prime minister comparing himself to Messi and Raila Odinga to Pele got me excited. My excitement was not because I love the trickery of Messi when he has the ball within his feet and nor because I have read about what a wizard Pele was. The whole fun was because indeed Musalia Mudavadi could have been telling us more from the analogy but as usual, we never read between the lines and it passed. But better late than never.

    The Sabatia Member of Parliament wants to appear as the Mr. Clean type of a politician, the kind that likes pragmatic politics. I do not believe he is one of that kind. In any case, debate has been rife in the country that he could be a project of powers that be, just like Uhuru Kenyatta was a Moi project in 2002, a project that failed-miserably.

    Indeed Mudavadi and Messi are projects. The story of Lionel Messi reminds us why we must pay attention to details in this analogy. When Messi was a young boy he was scouted by Argentine club River Plate. The club showed lots of interest in the boy but he was so physically frail and had a hormone deficiency which they found during testing. Because of the cost of “treatment”, River Plate declined to sign him and soon Messi joined Barcelona and La Masia Academy where he received Human Growth Hormone for a period of over four years.

    Was Musalia deficient by being in ODM? Could his role of number two be akin to Messi frailty therefore requiring some kind of political hormones to send him to the ballot?

    What I am waiting to see is if indeed our Kenyan ‘Messi’ will live up to the hype that goes with the tag.

  • TYCOON Kamlesh Pattni confirmed yesterday he had no documentary evidence to show he gave huge amounts of money to former vice-president and ex-finance minister Wycliffe Musalia Mudavadi in 1993.

    Pattni maintained having brokered the purchase of a residential house for Musalia in Nairobi s Kyuna suburb and gave the former Sabatia.MP Shs I.5 million to execute the deal. He defied, documents to the contrary.

    Pattni stuck to his guns that Musalia collected Shs 2 million from his View Park Towers offices in Nairobi for harambee donations. The cash was allegedly given out twice in Shs 500,000 batches on March 19, 1993 and Shs 1 million on June 8,1993.

    “I did not bribe Musalia. I have respect for him. He is a very conservative person. I gave him the money out of my generosity. The Bible says: Good people are generous with their gifts,” Pattni told the judicial tribunal investigating the monumental Goldenberg scandal.

    The businessman conceded that he was not in possession of any documentary evidence to prove that Musalia received any financial or material assistance before, during or after the watershed 1992 multi-party general election. Pattni, who was being cross examined by lawyer Fred Ojiambo, said Musalia never acknowledged having received any cash from him “since these were not bank transactions.”

    “It was the norm in politics then. The payments to various individuals were camouflaged as harambee, hospital bills and school fees. I was helping everyone at the time,” the businessman told Goldenberg inquiry chairman Samuel Bosire, vice-chairman Philip Nzamba Kitonga and commissioner Peter Le Pelley.

    “I know Ojiambo cannot believe me. I am not saying I corrupted anybody. I am not perfect. It is for you to listen to my evidence, weigh it and make your judgment, “Pattni, the 76th witness, told the tribunal during its 225th session at Nairobi s Kenyatta International Conference Centre.

    Pattni lost his cool, when Ojiambo bombarded him with questions regarding an entry in his list of Goldenberg beneficiaries where the, businessman claimed he could not remember the recipient and purpose of a Shs 1million payment.

    “People have enjoyed and they are now pretending to be holier than thou. God has given me very good memory. I dealt with the personal assistant to the payee. I have more information about these transactions,” Pattni retorted.

    On further cross examination the tycoon insisted that the finance minister Musalia Mudavadi was fully aware of the Shs 5.8 billion payments to Goldenberg International in 1993, tycoon Kamlesh Pattni maintained yesterday.

    Pattni said Musalia directed investigations into the payments from the Treasury following pressure from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) two years after the money had been disbursed.

    The businessman reiterated that he was in constant touch with the former minister, who reportedly worked “behind the scenes” to secure the payments to the controversial company on former president Daniel arap Moi s orders.

    Pattni said he wrote demand Letters to ex-treasury department secretary, Dr Wilfred Karuga Koinange, on the instructions of former Central Bank of Kenya (CBK) governor Eric Kotut to facilitate the expeditious settlement of his outstanding dues.

    The tycoon told the inquiry that he had personally spoken to Moi about his frustrations and had been assured by the former head of state that the issue would be resolved by Musalia, Kotut and Dr Koinange.

    According to government regulations, Pattni, said, he could only have written to Dr Koinange in his capacity, as Treasury s accounting officer. It was unnecessary to copy the letter to the minister, a political appointee, he added.

    Last Edited: Sat 17th July 2004 at 04:26:39 AM

    Mars Group Kenya

  • FORMER Vice-President and Minister for Finance Musalia Mudavadi allegedly instructed former Nairobi Chief Magistrate Uniter Kidullah not to admit Kamlesh Pattni to bond when he was charged with theft of billions of shillings while the Attorney-General Amos Wako defended the Government’s position in the Sh40 billion commercial suit pending in the Hague saying it will be ably contested.

    Wako denied that he leaked the letter written to the Hague Tribunal by Kabete Member of Parliament Paul Muite to Kenyan lawyers. He also exonerated lawyer Kenneth Kiplagat from blame that he was the one who leaked the letter to lawyer Juma Kiplenge who brought to the attention of the Goldenberg Commission that its proceedings were being used with a view to misrepresenting issues at the Hague Tribunal.

    Pattni told the Goldenberg Commission that Mudavadi received millions of shillings from him prior and after the 1992 General Elections yet he impressed upon Mrs Kidullah not to grant him bond in the Sh22 billion criminal indictments commenced against him by the State in 1994. He also benefited from a motor vehicle.

    Mudavadi drunk expensive whisky -Chivas Regal – as he celebrated for his victory and future success at Pattni’s Kitsuru residence in 1993. Pattni said he assisted Mudavadi purchase a house. Pattni gave him Sh1.5 million to acquire his house at the upmarket Kyuna Estate. He was also given a motor vehicle towards the 1992 General Election campaigns. The vehicle is registered in the name of Del Monte.

    Pattni told the commission that Mudavadi was in the Government when raids were spontaneously staged in his offices and residences then vital documents taken away by police officers led by the Criminal Investigations Director Joseph Kamau. During those raids, original documents bearing evidence that Mudavadi took millions from him (Pattni) were taken away by the police.

    The commission directed that Pattni be escorted to the CID headquarters to recover those original documents which were taken away from him. Pattni complained before the commission that all his evidence was taken away by police and what he managed to lay his hands on was retained by his sister and also a brother-in-law, Mr Vijay, who was making all the payments at his View Park and Austin Place offices and Kitsuru residence.

    Mudavadi allegedly telephoned Mrs Kidullah through his personal assistant and directed that Pattni should not be given bond but be remanded in Kamiti. Pattni claimed before the Commission Chairman Justice Samuel Bosire, his deputy Nzamba Kitonga and Commissioner Peter Le Pelley that he could table evidence to that effect.

    He made the revelation soon after Wako appeared to defend the position of the Government over the commercial claim lodged against the Government by Dubai-based businessman Nassir Ibrahim Ali.

    Wako assured the country that the suit was ably defended by lawyers of international repute and that there should be no cause for alarm. Wako stated that Ali’s lawyer Paul Muite presented some evidence based on the ongoing testimony at the Goldenberg Commission but it was contested. Lawyer Mutula Kilonzo for retired Daniel arap Moi told the Commission that Wako did not tell the Hague Tribunal that Pattni has not been cross-examined to test the veracity of his testimony.

    Kilonzo said it was shocking to learn that Wako did not voice the true position at the Hague Tribunal where the common denominator is Mr Moi whom Ali alleges he bribed with US$ 500,000 (KSh 39,500,000) before he begun putting up the World Duty Free Complex at the Jomo Kenyatta International Airport and Mombasa Airport.

    Wako was introduced by lead assisting Counsel John Khaminwa.

    Khaminwa: May it please your lordships, the appearances are as before. The honourable Attorney-General is here to make a statement. Bosire: Attorney-General I know we called you here.

    Wako: My lords, On the 2nd July 2004 and as you rightly observed, whilst I was out of the country, you made an order that the A-G should come and address your lordships on the proceedings at the Hague. The joint secretary vide letter dated July 7, 2004, the relevant documentation which includes a statement dated the same day by Paul M Pau, prepared by Paul Muite and brought to this commission on July 5, a record of the verbatim proceedings of this commission of July 2 and the application by Dr Gibson Kamau Kuria dated July 5 amongst which is attached the letter dated June 19, 2004, from P. K Muite counsel for the claimant to Judge Gilbert Gillaume, President of the Tribunal appointed to hear and determine the dispute between the Republic of Kenya and World Duty Free Company Limited.

    The Joint secretary of this commission has also vide letter dated July 9 forwarded to me the raw verbatim transcripts of proceedings of this commission dated July 8, 2004. I am, therefore, obliged to answer your lordships’ summons to address you on the proceedings at The Hague.

    My lords, in June, 2000, an arbitration was commenced by Nasir Ibrahim Ali, acting on behalf of World Duty Free Company Limited (the claimant), pursuant to a contract signed in 1989 between the Republic of Kenya and the House of Perfume, a company that was subsequently replaced by the Claimant.

    The claim being made against the Republic of Kenya before the Arbitral Tribunal, which is constituted under the rules of the World Bank’s International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID), is purportedly for an amount of US$500 million (approximately KShs40 billion) plus interest and costs.

    Contrary to previous Press reports, this US$500 million or Ksh40 billion claim is against the Republic of Kenya. It is not a claim against particular individuals.

    The Arbitral Tribunal comprises three respected and eminent lawyers. The President of the Arbitral Tribunal is Judge Gilbert Guillaume, a judge and former President of the International Court of Justice. His two co-arbitrators are the Hon Professor Andrew Rogers QC of Australia and Mr V V Veeder QC of Essex Court Chambers in London, who are well-known in the field of international commercial arbitration.

    The claimant is represented by Mr. Geoffrey Robertson QC, Ms Olivia Holdsworth, Mr Paul Muite SC and Mr Wachira Maina. The Republic of Kenya is represented by Hon Amos Wako, the Attorney General of the Republic of Kenya, Mr Jan Paulsson (the lead counsel), Mr Constantine Partasides and Mr Mitesh Kotechaall of Fresfields Bruckhaus Deringer, a renowned name in International Commercial arbitration, and Dr Kenneth Kiplagat.

    Wako: (continues) You have asked me to address you on the matters arising out of the oral hearings in the arbitration which took place at the Peace Palace at The Hague, Netherlands on June 30 and July 1, 2004. During the oral hearing, the arbitral tribunal heard submissions by both parties in relation to an application filed by the Republic of Kenya to dismiss the claimant’s claims with prejudice. The Republic of Kenya’s application to dismiss was filed in March, 2003, in response to evidence provided to the arbitral tribunal by Mr Ali. In December, 2002, the claimant submitted its revised statement of claim and the evidence to support the claim therein was Nasir lbrahim Ali’s statement which, inter alia, asserted as follows :

    “11. As a leading businessman in Dubai, I met in normal business circles, one Rashid Sajjad, a Kenyan, who would come to Dubai frequently in order to buy goods for export to Kenya for his company, Bawazir & Co.

    12. From my discussions with Sajjad, I came to understand that he was politically and powerfully connected in the Kenya Government. Wishing to diversity my business from perfumes into the duty-free market, I raised my interest with Sajjad and asked his advice on arranging the necessary licences and authorisation for the establishment of duty-free complexes in Nairobi and Mombasa airports. Sajjad informed me that he would arrange meetings for me with the relevant officials in Kenya.

    13. In March 1989, Sajjad informed me that the necessary appointments had been arranged. The first was an audience with his Excellency Daniel arap Moi (HEDAM). Sajjad informed me that although my concept for establishing duty-free complexes at Nairobi and Mombasa airports to an international standard would require heavy investment, which I believed would be for the national benefit of Kenya, protocol in Kenya required that I should in addition make a “personal donation’ to HEDAM. I was given to believe, that this was payment for doing business with the Government of Kenya.

    14. Sajjad advised me that the appropriate donation given the estimated value of the investment, was US$ 2 million. I was further advised by him that the donation should be in cash. 15. Sajjad arranged a letter of credit for the value of US$ 2 million from his bank – Banque Indo-Suez, London Branch, dated February 7,1989 in the name of Mr Sajjad Bawazir & Co. Against this letter of credit, I remitted US$ 2 million cash in his favour at Banque IndoSuez on 16 February 1989. See copy of letter of credit and supporting documents at Exhibit 5 (b ).

    16. I travelled to Nairobi from Dubai in March 1989 in order to attend my audience with HEDAM. I flew into Nairobi airport and was greeted by Sajjad and two official vehicles. Sajjad drove me to HEDAM’s Kabarak residence in Nakuru District of Kenya, which is approximately 150 kilometres from Nairobi. 17. I was received by one Joshua Kulei (JK), who introduced himself as the personal assistant to the President. Sajjad and I met the President and I presented and explained my proposed investment to him. I realised that Sajjad was in fact very close to HEDAM. I refer to a copy of a photograph showing Sajjad, seated to the left and behind HEDAM at a critical political meeting on 14 October [2002] AT Exhibit 5(a).

    18. I understood that Sajjad had received the cash worth US$500,000 against the letter of credit on 16 February 1989. He had then arranged for this to be exchanged into Kenyan shillings. He brought the cash to my meeting with HEDAM in a brown briefcase. When we entered the room where the President received us, he put the briefcase by the wall and left it there. After the meeting we collected the briefcase from where we had left it. On the departing journey, I looked in the briefcase and saw that the money had been replaced with fresh corn. 19. I felt uncomfortable with the idea of handing over this “personal donation ” which appeared to me to be a bribe. However, this was the President, and I was given to understand that it was lawful and that I didn’t have a choice if I wanted the investment contract.”

    It was on the basis of these facts, which came to light just before Christmas 2002, that the Republic of Kenya filed its application to dismiss the claim in March 2003. In that application, the Republic of Kenya argued that the claimant cannot enforce a contract that it procured by bribery. The Republic of Kenya argued that it would be an egregious breach of Kenyan, English and International orilre public for an international tribunal to give legal effect to a contractual claim made by a party that explicitly affirms that its alleged entitlement is the fruit of bribery.

    In support, the Republic of Kenya obtained a legal opinion by one of the most eminent and leading legal expert in this field, the Right Honourable The Lord Mustill, a former English Law Lord. Having received the application to dismiss and the legal opinion of Lord Mustill, the claimant attempted to explain away Mr Ali’s evidence by variously describing the bribe in its correspondence as, first, “an investment facilitation fee “; then “a cash donation” and finally “a legitimate gift” Indeed, at the hearing of 30. June, 2004, those representing the claimant declared to the international Tribunal that paying off government officials in Kenya in this manner.

    “.., Was a procedure approved by the Government [and this practice] had customary law origins through the Kenyan tribal culture of presenting gifts to persons in authority. This is called the harambee system and the harambee system is a tribal law system which has very strong cultural roots… ” Wako: My lords, a few weeks before the commencement of the oral hearings at the Hague Tribunal, Mr Paul Muite wrote a letter to the President of the Tribunal dated the 19 June, 2004 at which various references were made to the proceedings of this honourable Commission. In a statement dated July 4, 2004, signed by Mr Paul Muite, tendered before this honourable commission on July 6, 2004 and formerly adopted by the this honourable Commission on July 8, 2004, Mr Muite at page 2 of the statement has stated as follows:

    “Indeed, to my mind, the leakage of this letter must have been orchestrated by lawyers representing the Government, Attorney-General Amos Wako or Dr Kenneth Kiplagat as a way of playing propaganda games with the WDF case at the Hague.”

    I take this early opportunity to categorically state that I did not leak this letter to any person whatsoever. I have consulted my junior counsel Dr Kenneth Kiplagat who has also confirmed that he did not make this letter available to any person whatsoever. Suffice to say here that I will shortly address your lordships on the subject of this honourable commission and cited extensively the evidence of Kamlesh Pattni drawing numerous inferences, conclusions and deductions . The claimant’s lead counsel Mr Geoffrey Robertson asserted at the hearing that :

    “Paragraph 10 deals with the point that we hoped to read a little later, namely how we will be inviting this Tribunal rather than hearing evidence again, to accept the sworn evidence which has been subject of to cross-examination by the judicial inquiry in Kenya. I should say I am instructed by Mr Muite that the witnesses to this personal donation have been subpoenaed by that judicial inquiry. Mr Pattni is giving evidence at the moment and has confirmed as I say his acting as an agent for the President and his partnership with the President and all the money they have shared between them. ”

    In introducing the proceedings of this honourable Commission, Mr Muite stated as follows :

    “It is page 10, Mr President, it is about the fifth line from the top. This is Pattni giving evidence to the Commission of Inquiry. “While I was still experiencing this excitement, Mr Kanyottu (Mr Kanyottu was at that time the head of intelligence in the Republic of Kenya) told me that when one visits Mzee (Mzee is a respectful word for the President of the Republic of Kenya, it means literally an old man) on a business mission, normally one would not go empty handed. So he advised me to prepare something to take to Mzee as a gift since this was my first visit and it was important that I created a good impression. I then inquired from him what kind of gift should I carry. On my part, I suggested that perhaps I could carry a gold pen set or may be a gold tie pin, or a Rolex watch. He laughed and cut me short and said Mzee did not need those kinds of gifts and, what I should carry was some cash. I was a bit perplexed as I thought how I can give cash with my own hands to Mzee and I have never met or known him before. So I asked Mr Kanyottu if it would not spoil anything for me or if Mzee may get annoyed at me giving cash yet he does not know me. He laughed again and said don’t worry, just do what I have told you. I then suggested maybe I could arrange Kenyan Sh300,000 or Sh400,000. Mr Kanyottu smiled and said you know the first impression is the last impression and we are not going to a minister or PS’s Harambee (Harambee is another peculiarity of the country where people contribute money for public purpose). We are going to see the President. So I asked him to advise me what would be the right amount. Kanyottu told me to make an impact and proper impression we should carry at least Sh5 million. ” The rest of it goes to describe how the money was in a briefcase and he left it in the house of the former President.

    Mr. Muite’ s and Mr Robertson’s submissions and the production of the above materials including Mr Pattni’s testimony were not based on any pleadings or memorial submitted by the claimant. In this regard, the Tribunal made the following ruling:

    “The tribunal is disturbed that a certain number of the matters discussed by the claimant today were not advanced in its written submissions filed prior to this hearing. The tribunal is willing to give an opportunity to the claimant to formulate overnight a written draft supplement to its reply memorial. That draft supplement shall set out in detail all matters not hitherto pleaded which the claimant intends to rely upon in support of this claim or in answer to the respondent’s application of 19th March, 2003, both in law and fact. This draft supplement shall be communicated by the claimant to the respondent not later than 8am tomorrow morning and to the tribunal room number 6 at 8:45 am You have given us a certain number of documents whose status is not very clear, and any clarification would be useful.

    And just on the last point that you made, please do not think that Mr Muite’s letters, helpful as they are, serve as supplementary memorials. Do not think that just because it has been referred to in one of those letters that relieves the need to advert to the points that we proposed to be relied upon. ”

    Wako: My lords, on the basis of the above ruling by the Tribunal ,Mr. Muite prepared what he called a “Draft Supplemental Memorial ” in which he proposed to formerly make a new case on behalf of his client. Immediately Wako finished delivering his response to the issues raised by the Commission, lawyer Mutula Kilonzo registered his shock that there was no mention of the fact that Pattni had not been cross-examined.

    Wako responded saying that the State will contest the suit seriously for the benefit of the People of Kenya. Justice Bosire releasing him to attend to other engagements and said the A-G had ably responded to all the issues the commission wanted to know. Hearing continues today with Mudavadi’s lawyer proceeding with the cross-examination of Pattni.

    Last Edited: Wed 14th July 2004 at 02:20:58 PM

    Mars Group Kenya

  • musalia has so far given reasons why he wants presidency.
    to protect kibaki,his long experience in politics as kanu mp,minister,VP,dpm and for overseeing devolution
    are these not self aggrandizement reasons?
    is musalias record as mp,minister during kanu era to shamefull to rekindle- era of looting,repression,mismanagement,static development and backwardness ?
    what policy change has musalia ever initiated for Kenyans worth talking about?he never participated in cl amour for change,multi party,never called for constitutional change,institutional reforms,he never condemned corruption,repression,supported any progressive change or idea.he is always an imitator and play safe with policies only picking up after winning side is clear,never in the muddle.what vision can he possibly have if all this time he has never identified with transformation of Kenya for Kenyans ? same can be said of his lot except karua.uhuru,ruto,kalonzo are all the same as old kanu and moi why play with intelligence and psycho of the people? why cant they see what has happened in Egypt,Syria,Libya ,Tunisia,Yemen,Senegal,Malawi, where the old order were swept of power by progressive transformational leaders.
    Kenyans have to wake up and prevent slide to old forces of darkness represented by disguised like of mudavadi,ruto,uhuru,moi, etc

  • REVEALED: Mudavadi was paid 1 billion to ditch ODM
    Tuesday June 5, 2012 – Rumour has it that, Deputy Prime Minister Musalia Mudavadi was paid cool Sh 1 billion to ditch the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM).

    According to a source close to the DPM, the negotiations were being carried by President Mwai Kibaki’s Personal Secretary Prof Nick Wanjohi, Laikipia West MP Nderitu Murirthi, Business woman cum politician Mary Wangui and President Kibaki personal friend Dr Joe Wanjui.

    At first the group settled at Sh 600 million but Mudavadi with other legislators from Western Kenya opposed the deal saying the money is too little to risk their political careers.

    Mudavadi is said have met Kibaki at his office in Harambee House accompanied by his new political advisor Dr Mukhisa Kituyi through the arrangement of Dr Joe Wanjohi a week before ditching ODM.

    President Mwai Kibaki assured him he will support him in ditching ODM and meet his grievances and directed transfer of over Sh1 billion to nominee accounts for later use by UDF and Mudavadi associates.

    Before ditching ODM, Mudavadi was even given his party of choice United Democratic Forum (UDF) since the party was formed by President Kibaki’s henchmen.

    The Kenyan DAILY POST

  • Mudavadi is a State House Project

    Kituyi heckled over Mudavadi pitch .
    Monday, 16 July 2012 13:59 BY JOHN NALIANYA

    Former Trade minister Mukhisa Kituyi’s efforts to campaign for UDF presidential hopeful Musalia Mudavadi at a funeral in Bungoma landed him in trouble . Kituyi was forced to cut short his speech when mourners started heckling him for urging Justice minister Eugene Wamalwa to step down in favour of Mudavadi, whom he said is the most senior politician in the region and capable of capturing the seat. “Although my brother Eugene was the first one to declare his quest for seat, we all know that Musalia is the best suited to capture the seat among all the Luhya candidates,” he said. His sentiments were not well received as mourners heckled and asked him to seat down. The efforts of the master of ceremonies to calm down the crowd were futile as irate youth surged towards Kituyi, forcing him to cut short his speech.

  • KIBAKI is supporting MUDAVADI (State House project) and not UHURU

    Quick observations:

    1. It’s widely reported that Mudavadi’s party UDF was cooked up in state house by powerful political and business honchos close to the president. Nick Wanjohi who is Kibaki’s private secretary and Prof Joe Wanjui, friend and advisor, have been fingered in this matter.

    2. Mudavadi is being openly backed by MP Nderitu Mureithi who is president Kibaki’s nephew. Mary Wambui and Jimmy Kibaki are reported to be backing Mudavadi openly. Could they really go against the president’s wishes?

    3. Mudavadi has been reading Kibaki’s speeches, latest being at Shikuku’s funeral, why so?

    4. If Kibaki has thrown sulking DPM Uhuru under the bus, it wouldn’t surprise many having kicked out other close allies like Matere Keriri, Murungaru, Stanley Murage… list is too long..

    5. Uhuru has openly stated he was NOT IN CHARGE when violence broke out after the disputed election in 2007. This essentially means it’s Kibaki who should be in the dock since he was the one in charge (calling the shots).

    6. According to the tabloids, Uhuru no longer has free pass to state house although ironically he lives a stone throw away. True they are tabloids but they do get some gossip right.

    7. G7, KKK, G8 (or whatever they are calling themselves this week) is now officially in disarray for those who care to see! Leading TNA straw men like Sakaja and Oloo are not being heard and even when they speak they are quickly ignored.

    8. What’s this issue about the Kiambu and Nyeri rivalry simmering yet again after all these decades?

    9. When was the last time Uhuru and Kibaki were seen in a public forum together?

    10. Might it be dawning on GEMA that’s it’s about time to back a different horse?

  • Political Eulogy Of Musalia Mudavadi .
    Saturday, 29 September 2012 21:52 BY SAMUEL OMWENGA

    Unlike a cat with its proverbial nine lives, a politician only has at most two political lives, meaning if he or she goofs once, there is a chance the public may give him or her another chance but rarely a third one. On the other hand, one generally gets at most three chances to permanently correct their course or as the Americans say in baseball terms, it’s three strikes and you’re out.

    Going by either of these premises, Mudavadi’s political career is over even before the fat lady sings. This didn’t have to be this way. Mudavadi was lucky to be born in a family whose head was a close ally and friend of ex-president Daniel Arap Moi. Because of this relationship, Mudavadi easily made it to Parliament succeeding his late father and was appointed as one of our country’s youngest serving minister.

    In all the years Mudavadi served as minister, he is only remembered in connection with the Nairobi graves scandal in which he was implicated in a corrupt deal in which the Nairobi City Council paid a whopping Sh300 million shillings for land worth only Sh24 million. No service with distinction or accomplishment as a politician worth noting during the entire time Mudavadi served as minister.

    This was strike number one and part of Mudavadi’s first political life. Mudavadi also has the dubious record of having served the shortest as our country’s Vice President. Needless to say, Mudavadi neither accomplished nor did anything to be remembered for as our Vice-President other than being part of a hapless 2002 project by Moi in which he tried to shove down our throats a Uhuru presidency nobody but Moi and the few gullible and ill-advised wanted.

    This was strike number two and the end of Mudavadi’s first political life. The resounding defeat of the Uhuru project was so sweetly definitive and devastating, Mudavadi was sent packing even as an MP as he also lost his seat as MP for Sabatia. Having been so devastatingly defeated and basically finished politically, Raila reached down to the politically wounded Mudavadi and nursed him back to life, leading to his once again being elected as Sabatia MP and thanks again to Raila, his appointment as Deputy Prime Minister.

    You would think Mudavadi would be grateful and do whatever he can to help the very man who saved him from total political ruin be reelected but this time sworn as president while awaiting his turn; you’ll be wrong as Mudavadi had better ideas which, in fact, are terrible ideas that will permanently seal his fate as a failed politician.

    There is no question in anyone’s mind that Mudavadi is now a project of his own schemed right out of State House. As in the Uhuru project Mudavadi was a part of in 2002, this, too, shall come to pass as a failed project because the underlying fundamentals are the same most important of which is the fact Kenyans simply detest the idea of leaders or people they don’t want being rammed down their throats as their leaders wapende wasipende.

    This is precisely why even parties cannot have direct nominations anymore or anything other than an open and transparent nomination process. Mudavadi’s defecting from ODM and allowing himself to be a project is the third strike and end to his revived political life. It’s doubtful he’ll ever have another chance in life to be what he could have been politically but for his failure to make the right decisions hitherto. Put another way, Mudavadi has hammered the last nail into his own political coffin and thus the appropriateness of this eulogy of his political life.

    First, by refusing to learn from his past mistakes, namely, his going against the prevailing strong winds against a failed project in 2002, and agreeing to yet again be used as an empty suit in an all but certain to fail project, Mudavadi has amply demonstrated he is not his own man. Second, not being his own man is precisely the reason why those propping Mudavadi up as a project believe he is the best choice for this project because they can control and manipulate him at will in the unlikely event they’re successful with the project.

    Third, the fact that Mudavadi is not his own man and is being targeted to be a project because he can easily be manipulated and controlled as president by those propping him up is reason numero uno he will and shall be rejected by Kenyans who are now even more wiser than we were in 2002.

    Indeed, it cannot but strike many as odd even strange those propping Mudavadi up as their project cannot see that the very reason Mudavadi is attractive to them, namely, being a weak and indecisive politician is the very reason he has failed to convince many even in his own backyard that he’s worth taking seriously as presidential material. No one can be happier in this failed project than Raila and ODM.

    Samuel Omwenga is a lawyer and political commentator in the US


    I cannot support Samuel Omwenga’s sentiments. After reading his comment on Mudavadi, I’m left with a feeling that he does not know much about his subject. It is true that Musalia was ushered into politics on a silver platter but it is not true that he has shown nothing out of it. If the writer can follow Musalia’s performance in almost all the ministries he served keenly, he will agree with me that his work has been modest but well conducted. The writer should remember that after the Moi/Jirongo/Ruto/Nyamweya and the infamous “92 youth for Moi saga which left the country’s economy in tatters, it was Mudavadi who helped restore the value of the kenyan shilling as the finance minister.
    When the country was in chaos and needed sober negotiations to heal it from the chaos of 2007/2008 tribal post election violence, Kofi Annan can tell you that Mudavadi’s contributions were of great value towards the healthy compromise and subsequent formation of the grant coalition that was the only solution to halting the impasse. The rest of the negotiators were pulling too much out of selfish ambitions that no solution could have been realized up to date. I do not believe that chest thumping and loud mouthed heckles are the best measures of a good politician. Mudavadi was one of the best advisers ODM had. He played a big role in its stability and relevance and therefore should not be dismissed as the one who was always on the receiving end.
    My friend Samuel needs to know that Jomo Kenyatta had almost been dismissed as an opportunist but turned out to become a wonderful leader. Moi could go in the books of history as the best leader Kenya had, had he not extended his rule for more than ten years and yet he had been dismissed and termed as a passing cloud, Kibaki could never have ruled this country had he not been given the throne on a silver platter in 2002. I believe Mudavadi is the most experienced and sober enough among the current presidential aspirants to lead this country.

  • Otuche: A good defense of Mudavadi. But what do you say about Nasibi’s concluding remarks above on Mudavadi? “Mudavadi has turned out to be a force of divisive politics. No name represents the splendor and catastrophe of political division so completely and conspicuously as that of Mudavadi. He has proved to Kenyans that allegiance to class and status quo must always take precedence over allegiance to nation, as was evidenced in the push to save the Ocampo Four.”

    I quote you: ” Jomo Kenyatta had almost been dismissed as an opportunist but turned out to become a wonderful leader.” our historical experiences must be very different. Can you mention some wonderful things in Kenyatta’s leadership?

    You wrote above: “Moi could go in the books of history as the best leader Kenya had”. Really? If you go back ten years before his multiparty reign from 1992-97, what good did he conrtribute to Kenya? Was that not the worst moment in his presidency?

    “Kibaki could never have ruled this country had he not been given the throne on a silver platter in 2002.”

    In 10 years you will write: “Musalia Mudavadi could never have ruled this country had he not been given the throne on a silver platter in 2013.” The second State House Project. Moi did it with Uhuru Kenyatta in 1997. Now he is a man of his own and you see how good he is. Waluhya Tunapangwa na State House.

    Status Quo par excellence is what you want.

  • Mudavadi only wanted to please his allies

    Deputy Prime Minister Musalia Mudavadi’s statement that all Kenyans are to blame for post-election violence can only be interpreted to mean they were meant to please his new G7 Alliance associates.

    Coincidentally, the unfortunate remarks came after opinion polls that show him performing well against his main challengers should the elections proceed to a run-off.

    This is a typical manifestation of political opportunism. Musalia’s only interest is how to position himself strategically as a compromise candidate should Eldoret North MP William Ruto and Deputy Prime Minister Uhuru Kenyatta not make it to the ballot.

    Ironically, not so long ago, Mudavadi was quoted attacking Vice-President Kalonzo Musyoka for using similar tactics. We all know that someone was responsible for the criminal acts perpetrated after the 2007 elections. But you cannot blame the entire nation for these heinous crimes.

    Ndar John, Ikerege

  • “In the contemporary Kenyan political scene, Mudavadi is the choir boy, the altar boy while Uhuru is the “bad boy”, Ruto is the “rude boy”, Raila is the “bhangi peddler” who can hook you up with those expensive text books and leaked papers you need to swot on to pass your “O” levels. Even Martha Karua can be the “rude girl” the “freaky zonked out bitch” because after all, she may know one or two things about covering up stridently for a sneaky electoral thief who swears themselves into office after sunset in a shady suburban back yard. Musalia can only cite in his defence that whiff of Goldenberg and wisp of cemetery odour.”

    By Onyango Oloo (Secretary for Ideology, SDP)

  • uhuru brigade having annihialiated mudavadi from odm is now buying everybody,so called bigwigs of regional politics and here billions of money are exchanging hands—millions to ruto and his henchmen,billions to balala,charity prise is immunity from charges of corruption to her,her son in law and her all relatives involved in mega scandals at water and health ministries,—-rejecting kalonzo for destroying his ambition in 2002 WHEN HE DITCHED KANU AND FOR EVENTUALLY CONTRIBUTING TO HIS HAGUE DATE BY FAILLING TO JOIN PNU IN 2007 AFTER GETTING MONEY AND THEREBY DENYING PNU ELECTORAL WIN AND SOON JOINING KIBAKI AFTER MESS THEREBY SOWING SEEDS FOR HAGUE CASES DIRECTLY AND INDIRECTLY–UHURU CAMP IS BITTER THAT HE IS THE SACRIFICIAL LAMB IN PNU DISPUTED GOVT 2007-2012 .WHEN ALL CONSPIRATORS HAVE DIED OR ARE GOING HOME LEAVING HIM ALONE TO FACE THE MUSIC AND PNU LEADER DOESNT CARE BECAUSE HE PAID UHURU FOR HIS HELP==AS DEPUTY PM AND MINISTER FOR FINANCE.


    Our friends who hide their identity and use abusive language towards their fellow Kenyans in the name of giving political views and comments are the greatest enemies of the country. These comrades are perpetrators of hate speech. After reading some of their comments I find that most of them are either misinformed or ignorant of what they comment about. There is no saint among all the presidential contesters. It were better for us to remind the aspirants of the needs of the country and ask them how they intend to go about solving the impending problems that are bedeviling our country’s economy, insecurity, job scarsity among our youth, distribution of our country’s resources and infrastructure instead of wasting our efforts on name calling and unresearched blames and abuses. Please Kenyans let’s grow up.

    KSB: Francis, that was a very good piece of advice. Keep it up!


  • Why OP officials want Mudavadi for president

    Posted Sunday, December 16 2012

    Top civil servants in the Office of the President keen to secure their jobs in the next government are the key forces pushing for the election of Musalia Mudavadi as President, it has been established.

    The Sunday Nation has established that the bureaucrats who have been pulling the strings behind the curtains see Mr Mudavadi as “safe” and have mobilised resources to support his campaign.

    They are said to have worked hard to ensure that Mr Mudavadi got a last-minute accommodation by Jubilee Alliance.

    The campaign by the bureaucrats who are working in collaboration with the National Security Intelligence Service is driven by the uncertainty of their future in case of a possible Uhuru Kenyatta or Raila Odinga presidency.

    The public civil servants fear that Mr Kenyatta or Mr Odinga may reorganise the Public Service in a way that might render them jobless or sever their patronage.

    Mr Kenyatta and Mr Mudavadi are set to face off on Tuesday for the Jubilee Alliance ticket which has Eldoret North MP William Ruto as running mate.

    The National Alliance party secretary-general Onyango Oloo yesterday acknowledged that Mr Mudavadi was backed by influential individuals but said that was no threat to Mr Kenyatta’s bid. He said the party would not be arm-twisted.

    “We know that Mudavadi has support from some people in government and even churches but the final decision will be made by the people of Kenya. Even State House cannot make that choice,” Mr Oloo told the Sunday Nation.

    “Kenya is a multiparty democracy where everybody has a political choice. But whether an individual has a preferred candidate does not matter. The will of the people must be expressed through the delegates without undue advantage, arm-twisting or blackmail.”

    Two weeks ago, Nominated MP Rachel Shebesh claimed President Kibaki’s private secretary, Prof Nick Wanjohi and other State House operatives were pushing for a Mudavadi presidency.

    And speaking in the presence of Mr Kenyatta last weekend, some TNA politicians who accompanied him to Gatundu to register as a voter accused State House operatives of pushing him to withdraw from the presidential race.

    Sources say that the civil servants behind the Mudavadi candidature have three points from which they are pushing their case.

    First, they are playing the tribal card to say that it would be more acceptable to have Mr Mudavadi rather than Mr Kenyatta, a Kikuyu, succeed President Kibaki.

    Second, they say that the trials awaiting Mr Kenyatta and Mr Ruto at the International Criminal Court could create an awkward position for the government given that they come about a month after the General Election and the period of a possible run-off.

    The Mudavadi backers, it is understood, are advancing the argument that Kenya would be isolated by influential world superpowers, rendering it a pariah state with possible sanctions on trade, travel and aid.

    They say with Mr Mudavadi, they are likely to keep their powerful positions in the government should Jubilee win the March 4 General Election. They believe that Mr Kenyatta would prefer a different line-up at the top.

    Third, the power men in the Kibaki presidency say Mr Mudavadi is more malleable, unlike Mr Kenyatta, who is viewed as more “strong willed and wealthy and not easy to manipulate”.

    State House has denied involvement in the Mudavadi campaign but its shadow is seen over the Deputy Prime Minister largely because his party, the United Democratic Forum, was founded by Prof Wanjohi with other people associated with the President.

    UDF was founded in April 2011 and was initially associated with Mr Kenyatta. The first members were recruited at leadership seminars organised by some State House bureaucrats in Karen, Nairobi.

    A finance officer at the Office of the President, Mr Francis Xavier Wang’ombe, is said to have been one organisers of the “trainings”.

    The other name that featured in connection with the Mudavadi drive is that of acting head of Public Service, Francis Kimemia.

    An aide of Mr Kenyatta who requested anonymity, yesterday said that Mr Mudavadi was backed by bureaucrats who were uncomfortable with the deputy prime minister’s record at Treasury when he made it difficult for government officials to make money.

    He said the anti-Uhuru group claims that he is arrogant, inaccessible and difficult to please.

    “These are the same people who yanked Mr Mudavadi from ODM. They hoped that the ICC cases would start before the elections,” the source said, alluding to claims that Mr Mudavadi was “stand-by” candidate in case the two were locked out of the race because of the ICC case.

    State House has denied any role in the ongoing coalition building while Mr Mudavadi has also come out to declare that he was not “anybody’s project”.

    “We (State House) wish to state that President Kibaki remains focused on his service to the nation and peaceful elections and transition and should not be dragged in ongoing political activities,” it said in a recent statement responding to concerns by TNA politicians that it was arm-twisting Mr Kenyatta to step down for Mr Mudavadi.

    And on Jamhuri Day President Kibaki said: “Kenyans should elect honest, visionary and hardworking leaders who have the concerns of Kenya at heart in the next General Election.”

    But the State House link is a double-edged sword. While it is seen as an endorsement from a “special address” for Mr Mudavadi who has cast himself a force of stability keen to consolidate President Kibaki’s legacy, it has attracted backlash from sections of the Jubilee alliance.

    And while some say a Mudavadi-Ruto ticket is best placed to defeat Mr Odinga, those opposed to the arrangement reckon that the absence of Mr Kenyatta could lead to voter apathy in his Central Kenya backyard.

    Mr Herbert Kerre, a Kabianga University College lecturer, says the officials’ campaign shows a serious conflict between factions in Kikuyu politics: One led by Mr Kenyatta and the other by President Kibaki.

    “They must be doing so with the blessing of their master,” said the lecturer.

    The participation of bureaucrats in elections is new in an environment where political victory comes with government jobs and business.

    The Waki commission that probed the causes of the post-election violence recorded claims of participation of civil servants including former Head of Public Service Francis Muthaura and state security agencies in the 2007 political campaigns.

    The commission criticised the NSIS and Mr Muthaura of acting in a partisan way for commissioning and executing an opinion poll for President Kibaki’s PNU.

    Security agencies also sought to “plant” their operatives as agents in polling stations.

    On Saturday at the Jeevanjee Gardens, Mr Kenyatta and Mr Ruto declared their determination to win the election in the first round.

    “We have agreed on how we are going to choose our flag bearer and I am confident we are going to win resoundingly. And I want to assure you all that this team here will remain united to the end,” Mr Ruto said while welcoming Cooperatives Development minister Joseph Nyagah, who defected from ODM to TNA.

  • When will mudavadi wake up ?he was used by uhuru and ruto to mess odm,to shore up the national image of jubilee alliance with false promises and now he is being paid money and lured to team up with mr peter kenneth.who is peter kenneth in Kenyan
    politics ?is he not kikuyu commodity being forced on kenyans when his quantity is not even known in central kenya ?why does mudavadi use his clout to team with ano entity to give lift to kenneth to gain national clout at his expense? jirongo saw how mudavadi fell into gema trap and luhya nation wanting to please pnu were lured into a trap to tarnsish weight of western voters ?
    please if messi cant play well,he should retire or go into coaching .
    he and wamalwa have been used and stillbeing misused ?
    cant likes of atwoli put sense into his head

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