The strategy has boosted Mudavadi's immage and confused enemy forces

Probably, the most effective propaganda ploy to have been manufactured by ODM’s strategists ahead of the General election is what can be termed the “Mudavadi Presidential bait”. This is because this bait has been swallowed by both important institutions and individual players in Kenyan politics. Rival political parties, the punditocracy, the anti-ICC turn-coats in the Uhuru/Ruto camp, Kenya Diaspora and sections of the “Wanjiku community” are all regurgitating “the new threat” being posed to Raila Odinga’s presidential bid by Musalia Mudavadi, the ODM’s Deputy Party leader.

ODM’s leadership should be elated with the efficacy of this ingenious politrick because when it was mooted late last year, the objective was not to divert the attention of enemy forces but to counter poisonous enemy propaganda that had began to undermine Mudavadi’s political standing, authority and influence within ODM.

It is informative that just before Mudavadi was catapulted into getting Raila to “quake in his boots”, Mudavadi’s arch rivals in the Luhya camp notably Moses Wetangula, Silas Jirongo and Eugine Wamalwa, had teamed up with opportunists in the Ruto/Uhuru/Kalonzo camp to undermine Mudavadi’s authority in order to try and replace him as the “King of the Luhya” in Kenyan politics.

The narrative was that with his “sycophantic loyalty” to Raila Odinga, Mudavadi was playing second fiddle instead of asserting his authority and building a stronger image as a national leader. Mudavadi’s critics opined that the DPM ought to abandon his traditional strategy of waiting on the wings to succeed his boss and, instead, enter the Kibaki succession contest by giving Raila a run for his money.

To hammer their point home, Mudavadi’s critics portrayed him as a perpetual weakling who was under the armpit of Raila, arguing that the Luhya ought to look away from Mudavadi if the community wanted to navigate their way to State House because Mudavadi was contented with being a big fish in a small ODM pond.

During the failed, Moi-engineered Uhuru Project in 2002, Mudavadi was Uhuru’s running mate and he joined the statistics of those who never made it to Parliament. When he crawled to ODM from KANU to re-invent himself politically, the prevailing political equation saw Mudavadi settle as Raila’s running mate in 2007. Mudavadi’s waiting game paid off because when the Coalition government was cobbled by Kofi Annan following the stealing of Raila Odinga’s Presidency, Mudavadi was awarded the DPM’s post by dint of having been Raila’s running mate. Now that Mudavadi had once again settled down as Raila’s running mate in the Kibaki succession race, his detractors in the Luhya camp were busy portraying him as a perpetual underdog who did not carry the presidential aspirations of the Luhya people.

The situation was further complicated by Luhya leaders whom, one after another, continued to present themselves as alternative leaders ready to go for the presidency if Mudavadi had decided to sleep on the job.

The impact of this critique was that the authority of Mudavadi within ODM began to wane as his “second fiddle image” in relation to Raila also began to take root among supporters who were buying the prevailing propaganda. Although his position as Raila’s deputy was never challenged, the political implication of constant propaganda churned by his detractors was that Luhyas needed to postpone State House ambitions because Mudavadi was already sitting pretty as a potential Vice president in the anticipated government of Raila Odinga. It is against this background that Mudavadi’s presidential bait may have been mooted within ODM’s inner circle.

How did Mudavadi hit the campaign trail for ODM endorsement?
The scheme began in Sirisia on December 23th last year at the Khachonge home of Patrick Wangamati, the Chairman of Luhya Council of elders who is reported to have endorsed Mudavadi as the sole Presidential candidate from Luhya land.

This endorsement, which was witnessed by Foreign Affairs Minister, Moses Wetangula, Minister of Forestry, Noah Wekesa, Vihiga MP Yusuf Chanzu and Shinyulu MP Justus Kizito, was apparently illegal because according to Joseph Wasilwa, a member of the Luhya Council of elders, the endorsement was done without the knowledge or blessing of the Council. Wasilwa accused Wangamati of endorsing Mudavadi as top Presidential contender without consultation with the elders, alleging that Wangamati was exploiting his position as the Council’s Chairman to gain political mileage. Wasilwa was concerned that while endorsing Mudavadi single handedly, Wangamati had sidelined other presidential candidates from Luhya land.

Unfortunately, Wasilwa’s cry of foul play failed to gain recognition because of the diverse configuration of participants who also witnessed the Mudavadi endorsement. Among those present were elders from 18 Luhya sub tribes including the Teso, Sabaot, Kony, Ndorobo and Morimo while Dr. Machanja Ligabo, Chairman of Western Elders Advisory council is said to have attended one of the planning meetings to discuss “Luhya unity”, a euphemism which has become associated with Mudavadi’s endorsement. At the December 23rs meeting, both Mudavadi and Wetangula asked Wangamati to convene a meeting of all 24 MPs from Western province before Parliament reopens “to discuss unity” among the Luhyas. The meeting was also addressed by former cabinet minister Burundi Nabwera who is also Chairman of Luhya Elder’s Forum.

A curious observation is that hours before he joined Wangamati to witness Mudavadi’s endorsement on December 23rd last year, Wetangula met fellow Cabinet ministers, Anyang’ Nyongo and Lands Minister, James Orengo for more than an hour at the Imperial Hotel in Kisumu to discuss an ODM-Ford-Kenya election pact. Specifically, the agenda was for Wetangula to drop his presidential bid and instead, support Raila’s bid in a newly found cooperation between ODM and Ford-Kenya. Once the deal was sealed, Wetangula relocated straight to Sirisia, on time for Mudavadi’s “coronation”. Mudavadi’s presidential bid is therefore a carefully worked-out strategy which can only worry the man in the streets.

Politically, the close proximity between Wangamati, Wetangula and Mudavadi is based more on immediate political advantages rather than agreement in Party policies. Wangamati is eying the post of governorship in Bungoma county and by using his position as Chairman of Luhya Council of Elders to give Mudavadi an advantage over his (Mudavadi’s) rivals through endorsements, Wangamati is hoping that Mudavadi will reciprocate by supporting him for his bid for Bungoma governor. On the other hand, Wetangula is a politician without an Alliance and by being present when Mudavadi was apparently being endorsed as the Luhya Kingpin, the Foreign Affairs minister was sending the message that Mudavadi also needed to scratch his back by strengthening the nascent ODM-Ford-Kenya pact. If it sees the light of day, this pact is likely to give Wetangula a new role to play because the pact remains the only route through which Ford-Kenya can be included in the next government. Once he got a kick from Wangamati, Mudavadi hit the road for “his quest for Presidency” and there was no better ground to set off the campaigns apart from his own Party, ODM. In a public meeting attended by both Raila Odinga and Mudavadi, the two promised to support whoever is nominated as flag bearer of the Party. The “Mudavadi presidential bait” had been set in motion and it is doing quite well.

By going for the top seat, Mudavadi has achieved three objectives. He has silenced critics who have been attacking him as a weak politician always being led by the nose by Raila Odinga; destroyed the perception that he is a coward who is always satisfied with playing second fiddle; and boosted his image by exploiting the confusion created by his Presidential ambitions to emerge as “a man of his own”. The strategy has even confused enemy forces currently dangling the carrot of support if  Mudavadi can join them as a “compromise candidate”.

Okoth Osewe

As police release the man suspected of running down Stella Mwangi’s father, a tribute was held in his memory today. Friends, family, and others gathered at the Norwegian Red Cross’ premises in Oslo to remember the 54-year-old at the memorial organized by the Kenyan Association in Norway.

Leader Fredrick Makosir told Dagbladet, “It’s a normal tribute without pomposity. They [his family] have lost a loved one in the worst possible way. It’s a tragedy. He was a good father figure who stood by the family’s side no matter how tough things were for him. He made sure the children were well-integrated without forgetting where they come from.”

Jeff Mwangi Kwirikia, father to Nairobi-born Norway Eurovision 2011 semi-finalist Stella Mwangi, died instantly after he was hit by a van in Akerhus County, Tuesday.

Initially a hit-and-run, the 39-year-old driver subsequently turned himself in to police two days later. He was indicted for manslaughter in connection with the incident. Officers started examining the van and premises after he showed them where it was parked.

The man has since admitted striking Mr Kwirikia with his vehicle but denies he is guilty of the charges. He was remanded in custody, Friday.

According to his defence counsel, Jørun Lægland, “The fact that a person is dead and that it is because he was hit by the car my client driving does not imply that there has been a punishable offence.”

Romerike District Police’s Jon Aga also informed NRK that the driver stated he did not have time to avoid the cyclist even though he was driving below the speed limit.

Officers had requested he be kept in custody for a week due to fear he may destroy evidence. Whilst their initial appeal against his release succeeded following the court’s ruling, he was let out of custody at the weekend.

“The accused has given officers another statement,” said Morten Huse of Ullensaker police on Saturday, “we have also conducted further witness interviews. His [the accused’s] explanation is largely consistent with other information pertaining to the case.”

Romerikes Blad reports approximately 100 people were present at today’s memorial containing music and pictures from Mr Kwirikia’s life. There were also several speeches, before the ‘Amazing Grace’ was played at the end of the tribute.

Mr Kwirikia’s funeral will be held in Ullensaker on Friday, after which he will be transported to Kenya for burial in keeping with his wishes.

SOURCE

Place: Lilla Wien”Little Nairobi”
Date:10-11/Feb/2012 Friday & Sat.
Time:21.00-01.00
Add:Swedenborgsg.20
Pendel:Södra Station

An audio clip of the speech to the nation by Snr Prvt Hezekiah Ochuka, Chairman of the Peoples’ Redemption Council moments after he assumed the reign of the Republic in the early hours of 1st Aug. 1982 in a short-lived military coup. The “General” immediately decreed the release of all political prisoners & dispensed forthwith in seconds the old constitution. He also promised speedy economic emancipation, and swift power hand over upon free and fair election. This is all hypothesis but would the Junta have saved us all these relentless recovery & implementation efforts 30 years ago? PEV, Agenda 4, referendum, Watermelons, ICC, 2012 psyche? Most of us here if not all were still-born but what could this event retrospectively mean to the nation had it materialized? We all loathe Kifua take-overs of the inchi, but haven’t we also been subjected to the same albeit “civillian coup” over the last 30 years with as much ruthless results if not worst than uniformed coup? What’s the difference between dully “uharifu” night swearing on 30th Dec 2007 & Ochuka’s morning speech on Aug. 1982? .

Raila can win the Presidency without Kibaki's endorsement

When President Mwai Kibaki was officially opening the Kisumu International Airport yesterday, there were calls by both Jackoyo Midiwo, Parliamentary Chief Whip, and James Orengo, Minister for Lands, that Kibaki endorse Raila for President. The proposal from the two speakers was that Kibaki should say “Raila tosha”, just like Raila did in 2002 before hitting the campaign trail to help Kibaki capture the Presidency. Despite the humble nature in which this request was presented, ODM politicians should stop asking Kibaki publicly to back Raila without first consulting with him privately.

On the contrary, Raila should fight it out through meticulous campaigns and convincing policies to win the Presidency. He should not be looking forward to Kibaki’s endorsement because ODM has declared that it is a democratic Party where all Presidential aspirants like Musalia Mudavadi will be given a fair chance to fight it out at ODM’s nominations for the top seat. If Kibaki accepts to endorse Raila, the move will be undermining the Presidential aspirations of other candidates and this may not auger well for internal democracy in the Party.

If Kibaki must endorse Raila, it should be out of his own volition, not through pressure carefully applied at public meetings. ODM politicians must learn to preserve their dignity because when they request Kibaki to endorse Raila and he declines, it is the faces of these politicians and Raila’s that suffers.

Currently, President Kibaki is very senile and this is evident when he talks in public where he sometimes mumbles incomprehensible sentences, much to the amusement of his audience. Under the circumstances, when he is asked to endorse Raila in public, he may not actually understand the question. Consequently, when he responds with his traditional mumblings, no one may really know whether he has answered the question according to how he perceived it or whether he just opened his mouth to speak because it was facing the microphone and he had to say something.

Another problem of requesting Kibaki to publicly endorse Raila is that such requests portrays Raila as a weak politician who could be banking on Kibaki’s endorsement for political advantage, an image that is not correct. Going by opinion polls over the last few years, both Raila and ODM remains the most popular Presidential candidate and Party. Raila does not, therefore, need Kibaki’s endorsement to win the Presidency. ODM politicians must keep off the cheap endorsement stunt because it is becoming embarrassing. When they open their mouths to make these absurd requests, the impression is that Raila may have requested them to do so. This impression could be demeaning in the eyes of Raila’s supporters.

In any case, how many times must Kibaki refuse to make the endorsement for “endorsement activists” within the Party to understand that he may not be interested in this cheap ploy?

Further, the sole reason why Kibaki has refused to sack Uhuru Kenyatta as Deputy PM following the ICC debacle is because he appointed him to that position because he viewed him as his possible successor. This was after Uhuru abandoned his KANU Party (where he remains the Chairman) to support PNU in 2007. For Kibaki, the Uhuru Project is not working because it has been scuttled by the ICC indictment. Kibaki is therefore a frustrated man at the moment and to have asked him to endorse Raila for President may have been a big insult.

ODM politicians must be strategic. If the Party is seriously seeking for Kibaki’s endorsement of Raila, it ought to employ a more structured approach towards the issue instead of opting for crude tactics in public. This could be done by seeking a private meeting with Kibaki to discuss the issue at length and convince the old man to buy the idea. Once he swallows the bait, the Party could then organize a public meeting in Bondo or Kisumu (home ground) where Kibaki could make the announcement.

Surprising Kibaki at an official public function to endorse Raila has failed on several occasions. In any case, such an endorsement could have far reaching political consequences for Kibaki as election campaigns take off. For this reason, such a request should not be left to chance after Kibaki is “cornered” somewhere in Kisumu city.

After stealing Raila’s presidency, it is natural that Kibaki owes Raila a favour. However, ODM politicians must remain sensitive to Kibaki’s circumstances and stop making requests crudely and without serious afterthoughts.

There should be no further endorsement requests without a strategy because Kibaki has shown that he is not willing to play ball. The fact that Raila said “Kibaki tosha” does not mean that history should repeat itself. ODM politicians should bank more on vigorous campaigns than begging Kibaki to endorse Raila at every opportunity. Raila has enough support to win the Presidency without Kibaki’s help. Although an endorsement could be a big boost to Raila’s campaign, Kibaki should be left alone to decide over the issue if he cannot be approached away from the public eye. This will spare ODM politicians a lot of embarrassing and theatrical moments in public.

Okoth Osewe
Secretary
Kenya red Alliance (KRA)

At this point, Ruto was still attacking Waki for including his name in the Waki Report as he rubbished the same report at public rallies.

How the politics of deception is played in Kenya

With the ICC indictments, there is now one more reason why Kenya is a failed State. The country cannot try its own criminals who are officially suspected of having committed crimes against humanity. From public records, majority of Kenyans who notoriously violate the Constitution are either holding the levers of State power or walking the corridors of power. Secondly, majority of Kenyans who are known “to act with impunity” are not ordinary Kenyans but members of the ruling class, their cohorts, sycophants, acquaintances and side-kicks. The ICC indictment of the “Ocampo four” has now brought the country face to face, not with another imminent violation of the Constitution but possible rape of the new document. In the process of trying to square the circle, the politics of deception has risen to its highest apex ever.

Notably, the case of William Ruto has been very disappointing. This is because laden with the optimism a Kenyan can place on a young and energetic politician, the natural expectation is that Ruto would have proudly walked away from the traditional politics of untruths, fabrications and tribalism to that of statesmanship, patriotism and even revolution. Now, the ICC indictment of the Ocampo four has finally exposed Ruto and shattered his political career, probably for ever. At the ICC, Ruto is a suspect of crimes against humanity but in Kenya, his profile is increasingly assuming that of a political chameleon who constantly changes colours for political survival. He appeared to have been surviving just a few years ago but now, Ruto seems to be growing desperate.

Take the latest lie he is shamelessly peddling to the public – that PM Raila Odinga has fixed the “Ocampo four”. As this callous lie is being sold at hastily convened rallies organized at strategic voter-friendly points, the official record of the historic ICC debate, which eventually killed the idea of a local Tribunal, does not matter. This is regardless of whether this record exists on video or in print. It is pointless to repeat here that Ruto and Company opposed the setting up of a local Tribunal because the big question is why Ruto is denying the undeniable and transferring responsibilities to wrong locations.

To jog the memory, it took more than a year as Kenyans tried to set up a local Tribunal and when time ran out, Kofi Annan gave Kenyans another two extra months to try again. What did the likes of Ruto say? The answer is right here.

The bigger problem however, is not the Ruto denials but the legal status of the new Kenyan constitution which is also being violated in the situation. Assuming that Ruto had campaigned for a local Tribunal, and assuming that Raila did fix the Ocampo four, does that mean that the country’s new constitution cannot also be respected because the Ocampo four feels aggrieved?

When Ruto led a political camp that opposed the adoption of the new Constitution, decorum dictates that he ought to respect this constitution following its promulgation last year. A true democrat opposes an idea but if he/she loses after the majority vote has carried the day, the democrat concedes defeat then abides by provisions of what was put to the vote. This is the standard process in any functional democracy.

In the case of Ruto (and, by extension, Uhuru Kenyatta) he has refused to respect the Constitution which bars him from contesting the Presidency on account of his indictment at the ICC following strong evidence that he masterminded crimes against humanity during the post election violence. If Ruto is violating the Constitution at this early stage, what will he do with the document in case he ascends to power through some divine miracle?

After opposing the Constitution, Ruto is now seeking to rape the document. Luckily, there is a very strong opposition that will, hopefully, stop him (and Uhuru) before the two can defile a sacred document, a defilement which carries with it very serious consequences for the Republic as a whole.

Building a new Kenya if suspected criminals vie for presidency
For now, concerned Kenyans can only hope that William Ruto and Uhuru Kenyatta will fail in their mission, not because Raila (or anyone else) is fit to lead Kenya, but because if Ruto and Uhuru succeed in raping the Constitution; and with the kind of impunity the two suspects are exhibiting in public, the democratic gains of the last three decades of bitter struggle by the Kenyan people shall have been wiped out.

If this rape occurs and Ruto or Uhuru presents themselves as Presidential candidates, no Kenyan should ever value that piece of paper called the Constitution. If I were to make recommendations in the event of Ruto or Uhuru presenting themselves as presidential candidates, the Constitution should be torn into pieces and the pieces burnt to ashes.

In paraphrase, if the two suspects ever get a go-ahead from anybody or any Institution in Kenya to present themselves as Presidential candidates using whatever pretexts, every right thinking Kenyan who can get a copy of the Constitution should bring it to Uhuru Park (or freedom square or anywhere central) and set the document ablaze in a huge bonfire using the most inflammable brand of petrol available in Kenya. Why?

Even with the new Constitution currently in place, our country is recognized as a failed State and a banana republic to boot. This is one big reason why the Rutos could not be tried in Kenya, forcing ICC to take over the cases. If the two are allowed to rape the Constitution, there should be no reason why the country should not slide slowly towards anarchy. In fact, the argument for anarchy may be very strong. If the so called leaders cannot follow the rules agreed by the majority who are being governed, why should the majority follow the same rules in the interest of the leaders?

Obviously, a banana republic or a failed State is better than an anarchistic republic as recently witnessed in Iraq following the overthrow of Saddam Hussein. In any case, Kenyans do not have to look far for a perfect example of the brand of chaos that can engulf the country if things go wrong because very few Kenyans have forgotten the post election violence. Should the country be held to ransom because of the fate of two suspected criminals who should have quit politics to address the bigger issues facing them? It is the duty of every Kenyan who loves the country to join the movement to stop these suspects right on their tracks.

Ruto and Uhuru ought to be preparing their defence teams, not creating tension in the country with talk about contesting elections. In other countries like the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, such suspects hide from public view as their hide-outs are sought with latest technology. It is anathema that in Kenya, these suspects are holding political rallies and threatening to seek high office, time when they talk freely about violating the Constitution as they are cheered by idle, drunken, corrupted, unemployed and brainwashed youths they call “supporters”.

If criminals suspected of having committed crimes against humanity are allowed to stand for Presidential election through bending of the rules by their contacts in government, my proposal is that the Republic of Kenya should be “dissolved”, the Kenyan State “dismantled”, the Constitution “set ablaze” and the country split into independent Provincial zones of Majimbo. The provinces can then govern themselves and provinces which can agree to follow a common set of rules (a new constitution) can then unite to try and build a new and democratic Kenya from scratch.

The risk is that in the absence of such an alternative, the country may have to prepare for a civil war because 40 ethnic communities will not accept to be ruled for ever by individual and corrupt members of two ethnic groups who seize State power by stealing elections, raping the Constitution or bending the rules at their pleasure.

Okoth Osewe

Jeff Mwangi and daughter

We are sad to announce the sudden death of a fellow Kenyan in Norway. Jeff Mwangi Kwirikia (Stella Mwangi’s father) was killed by a hit and run car along Riksvei 50 between Dal and Jessheim at around 14:09 (CET), Tuesday. The vehicle involved in the accident is said to be a dark brown, blue or black car possibly a Partner or Berlingo. The car was last observed driving northwards from Dal towards Råholt on Trondheimsveien. Signs on the car are said to include, but not limited to, a damaged windscreen caused by the impact of the accident. Please contact the Police at 99487751 if you have any information that can lead to the location of the car or the driver who was involved in this tragic accident.

Source

valentine 2012

Scand Afric’s Valentines Day Special is back. The event, which pulled a huge number of couples last year, is expected to thrill all guests who will be present because it has been made very special. This time, the organisers promise a bigger, better and even more enjoyable evening.

The 2012 Valentines Day Special will take place at Vretensborgvägen 21 (Västberg Stockholm). This year’s event will be more colourfull as more prizes are lined up for the different couples who will be in attendance. Dress to kill!

Most importantly, it will be a partying night with music by known Djs: Jamal, Richie and Blaze who will blast the loud speakers all night long as you boogie down with your loved one, and show love on a special day that is globally devoted to love, romance and eternal bliss between couple’s so don’t leave your lover behind yeah!

May be, you are still looking around for that Mr/Mrs RIGHT! Come to the party because it is the perfect place for the only window-shopping in the world where you can walk away with a lover, just because you were at the right place at the right time and said the right things in the right ears.

Don’t get it wrong. Love will never come looking for you in your cabin. You have to make a move and look for it somehow. If you are already lucky and you have your lover in your arms; you have been together for good and for worse; why not come for the only annual treat devoted to the two of you and the global community of lovers? Valentine’s Day Special is the name of the event and the venue is Vretensborgvägen 21 in Stockholm. Scand Afric wellcomes everybody to the Lovers Party!

SOURCE

By George Olwenya and Kepher Otieno

Retired Anglican Archbishop David Gitari has called on Uhuru Kenyatta to relinquish his Deputy Prime Minister’s post and forget about the presidency. Gitari told Uhuru and Eldoret North MP William Ruto to accept the reality that they will not be in the presidential race as long as they stand indicted by the International Criminal Court.

“Let us not cheat ourselves, Uhuru will have to relinquish the Deputy Prime Minister’s post,” he said.

He maintained that there were other leaders from Central Province who can take over Uhuru’s portfolio.

“How can you resign as the Minister for Finance and remain the Deputy Prime Minister,” he posed.

People of integrity

Gitari at the same time differed with politicians calling for Uhuru and Ruto to be allowed to vie for presidency, saying that they will have to be cleared by the courts first.

The retired prelate called on Kenyans to ensure that only people of integrity are entrusted with leadership.

Speaking at Bondo University College grounds where he was the chief guest during the 18th anniversary of the doyen of opposition politics Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Gitari said selfishness and tribalism must not be allowed in the management of public affairs.

He said the next crop of leaders, from County Assembly representatives to the presidency, must be people of integrity, God fearing and not corrupt.

Gitari supported Prime Minister Raila Odinga’s quest for presidency, saying he had the qualities of a good leader.

“There are leaders who have been tested and found to be fit to lead,” he said.

Those present included Deputy Prime Minister Musalia Mudavadi, Cabinet ministers James Orengo and Dr Paul Otuoma, MPs Alfred Khangati, Jakoyo Midiwo, Edwin Yinda, Nicholas Gumbo, Oburu Oginga and Ayiecho Olweny.

Meanwhile, Bumula MP Bifwoli Wakoli argues that Chapter six of the new Constitution will not allow any Kenyan involved in a criminal case to vie for any elective seat.

“You can be popular but the Constitution bars you from contesting and I could be unpopular but clean. Don’t be surprised that the man talking to you this afternoon could be your next president,” he said.

He made the remarks at the weekend at Maridadi village in Kwanza, Trans Nzoia County, during the burial of the mother-in-law to the Minister for Forestry, Dr Noah Wekesa.

-Additional reporting by Osinde Obare

Source: East African Standard

Starvation in Kenya is a consequence of Kibaki's failure in leadership

Lack of political will to make Kenya food secure is a major factor in the recurring food crisis. Famine, drought and high food prices are prevalent within the crisis, and often result in human and livestock fatalities. President Mwai Kibaki has failed to provide long-term solutions to avert predictable hunger and food shortage, and instead put sections of the country in a state of high dependency on food aid. During his decade of many unfulfilled promises, he declared drought and famine ‘a national disaster’ at least four times.

On July 13, 2004 Kibaki declared that period’s drought which had caused 60 per cent crop failure in five provinces, a national disaster. Up to 4.3 million adults and 1.5 million children would need food aid for the next six months. He then appealed for both local and international food donation and funding. Kibaki said, during that year alone, the government had distributed food worth KSh1.5 billion, and required a further $32 million (KSh2.56 billion) to provide water, sanitation, health and nutrition, agriculture, livestock and education. A shortage of four million bags of maize was also predicted for the next harvest.

That same year, the then Justice and Constitutional Affairs assistant minister Robinson Githae, told Kenyans to diversify their eating habits and start eating ants, rats, donkeys and other edibles, to get rid of hunger as others did elsewhere in Africa. Kenyans felt insulted by his remarks, which reflected a high level of arrogance and asked whether he ate such food. He defended his call by saying: “When you are facing starvation, you should eat anything and everything you can find. Even God will not forgive you if you starve.” Regardless, it was reminiscent of the journalistic cliché – “Let them eat cake”, controversially attributed to Marie Antoinette, who was Queen of France during the French Revolution, and thought to have cared less about her starving subjects. Githae was also perceived as insensitive to cultural and religious beliefs which influence the eating habits of Kenyans. His reaction was typical of Kenyan lawmakers who usually opt for easy answers to the country’s insurmountable crises.

When President Kibaki was delivering his new year’s address in January 2006, he once again declared then-ongoing famine in parts of the country, a national disaster. Up to 2.5 million people would need famine relief, estimated to cost KSh11 billion ($151 million). Prolonged drought had caused crop failure and livestock losses. He appealed to local and international partners to assist Government’s efforts to help those affected. Other areas which required urgent help were the provision of water, healthcare, restocking of livestock, education and provision of seeds to farmers for the next crop season. In the arid eastern and northern parts of the country, more than 30 people and hundreds of livestock had already died within three months of the drought.

In January 2009, Kibaki yet again declared that period’s drought and famine a national disaster, and launched an appeal to raise over KSh37 billion to address the situation. Around 10 million Kenyans were then food insecure and the government would import 7 million bags of maize at the cost of KSh17 billion to mitigate the crisis.

The latest national disaster declaration was on May 30, 2011 when President Kibaki mentioned that due to the persistent drought, necessary interventions be put in place within the relevant ministries to assist affected citizens. It was the usual appeal for relief food. The government would allocate Ksh1 billion for livestock off-take and provide an additional KSh600 million to the Water ministry, to facilitate efficient transportation of water to the people and livestock.

The politics of hunger, drought and famine
Agriculture is the backbone of Kenya’s economy and contributes 24 per cent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) directly. It is also the country’s top foreign exchange earner, contributing around 60 per cent of export earnings from tea and coffee. Kenya’s main staple food is maize, though there are other cereals like rice, wheat, millet and sorghum.   Around 75 per cent of Kenyans participate in agriculture, which makes it the most important economic sector in the country (see kenya.usaid.gov). It is therefore preposterous that an agrarian economy like Kenya is constantly undergoing a food crisis.

In his book: ‘Poverty and Famines: An Essay on Entitlement and Deprivation (1981), Amrtya Sen, the 1998 Nobel Laureate in Economics, demonstrated that “famine occurs not only from a lack of food, but from inequalities built into mechanisms for distributing food.” This means that there are other underlying social and economic factors which lead to starvation within some groups in society, such as: declining wages, unemployment, rising food prices, and poor food-distribution systems.

In the 2010 report of a joint international mission by the African Network on the Right to Food (RAPDA) and Human Rights Organization on the Right to food (FIAN) titled: ‘Kenya’s hunger crisis – the result of right to food violations’, it was found that a number of structural problems contributed to drought and man-made emergencies, which led to famine. However, cases of extreme famine in the past four years were due to periods of failed rains and the impact of post-election violence in 2007. These findings were from a research mission undertaken on September 20-26, 2009. The investigating team visited various parts of Kenya and spoke to community representatives in hunger-prone areas; policy makers; individuals at national and local levels; non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and Community Based Organizations (CBOs). The results indicated a widespread food insecurity situation that left very few communities unaffected.

Some of the underlying structural problems identified by the mission included:

•    A high level of inequality in Kenya.
•    Exclusion of the poor and vulnerable groups from the social, economic and political spheres.
•    Widespread corruption and nepotism.
•    A lack of investment in sustainable agriculture.
•    A fragmented and contradictory legislative and policy framework.

The above contexts point to the government’s failure “to adhere to its obligations to respect, protect and fulfill the right to food as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and other international and regional human rights instruments” (Page 5).

On January 16, 2006 newspaper reporter Otsieno Namwaya wrote an exclusive article in the East African Standard titled, ‘Kenya: Playing politics with hunger’. He investigated, analyzed and proved that ministers in Kibaki’s administration, their cronies and top government officials, benefited financially from the political economy of famine. This was evident in the licensing of companies awarded contracts to supply maize to famine-stricken areas in 2004, by then-Agriculture minister, Kipruto arap Kirwa. The government’s tendering process had been egregiously flouted in the selection of companies which imported the maize, as noted later in a Parliamentary Investments Committee report. During that period, around 39 people and an unknown number of livestock died.

The 2004 famine-national-disaster declaration which required KSh4 billion was never lifted and in 2005, another disaster was declared by the government, aiming to raise KSh11 billion to fight the famine. Meanwhile, investigations revealed that over one million bags of maize laid idle, some of it rotting, at the National Cereals and Produce Board (NCPB) silos in North Rift, while many Kenyans starved elsewhere. The reason was lack of storage space because the silos were full of the last season’s harvest. There were 450,000 bags at the NCPB branch in Kitale and another 450,000 at the Moi’s Bridge depot.

Farmers were being turned away with truckloads of newly-harvested maize and had to sell them to private companies at throwaway prices. Some threatened to export their maize to Uganda if the government was not willing to buy from them. There were over 300,000 bags of maize stored at two privately owned stores in Kitale and frustrated farmers had to sell at half the regular price which was KSh800, instead of KSh1,600. The government was faulted for being unprepared whenever the time for purchasing maize came. The Finance ministry also delayed in releasing the money budgeted for buying maize. The cost of fertilizer had also risen, making maize production expensive, yet corruption hindered farmers from recovering their money through government purchases.

The then Mandera MP Billow Kerrow, revealed that NCPB officials colluded with some businesspeople so that they could sell their stocks first. It was therefore intentional when they failed to transport maize to silos in the famine-stricken areas. But the Ministry of Agriculture was the worst, because it was responsible for purchasing and distributing maize to various parts of Kenya, yet was not doing so. He also cited political manipulation as a factor in the widespread famine. “There are people who played politics with food in my constituency in the lead up to the [2005 constitutional] referendum. A lot of food was diverted and sold to finance the Banana campaign ahead of the referendum. That is why people are dying for lack of food,” he said.

Then-nominated MP Professor Ruth Oniang’o, claimed that corruption drove the politics of maize and food, with ministers cashing in on the unfortunate situation to make money. “Declaring a famine that has stalked us for the better part of the year a national disaster is so that donors can move in with money. But this is ironical because there is a food surplus. This is abusing the goodwill from donors. It will not be surprising if it turns out that the companies that will be given tenders to either import or ferry maize to the famine-stricken regions at the expense of donors and Kenyan taxpayers, are owned by ministers and senior government officials,” she said. She hails from western Kenya which had surplus maize rotting at that time. To be continued in Part 2.

Jared Odero