KSB: Can you point out where I said that Uhuru is a land-grabber? I clearly referred to the Kenyatta family which, according to the Ndungu Report, owns land the size of Nyanza province. This is the information contained in the article. Back to you.

Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces- Mwai Kibaki

Chief Of Defence Forces- Major General Julius Karangi.

Head of NSIS- Major Gichangi.

Internal Security Minister- George Kinuthia Muthengi Saitoti…. who replaced John Njoroge Michuki.

Director of CID- Ndegwa Muhoro.

The Anti-Stock Theft Unit commander- Remmy Ngugi.

The Permanent Secretary internal security- Francis Kimemia.

The Police Commissioner- Mathew Iteere.

Administration Police Commandant- Kinuthia Mbugua.

The Anti-Terrorist police chief is/was Nicholas Kamwende.

Head of the VIP protection unit, Recce Company- Joseph Wanjohi.

The Presidential Escort Commander- Benson Kibue.

Director of Operations Director at Vigilance House- Julius Ndegwa.

Police Spokesman- Eric Kiraithe.

MTA DO?

One curios thing stood out when Musalia Mudavadi finally took the bold step and eased himself out of ODM slightly less than two weeks ago. The DPM took the opportunity to pay tribute to his wife, thanking her profusely for firmly sticking besides in the rough and tumble political journey. Ndaragwa MP Jeremiah took the cue and poured unstinting praises to the lady, thanking her for “making all these happen”.

Curiously, Musalia didn’t not as much as extend similar show of love to the people of Sabatia, who besides Tessi, have over time re-elected him in the topsy-turvy that is Kenyan politics since he first started the journey way back in 1989. Musalia’s statement coupled with that of Kioni suggests that the lady must have played more than a cursory role in the DPM’s political divorce from ODM than is being publicly acknowledged. Which makes Musalia’s exit from ODM all the more curious, not so much as the timing as the manner it was executed.

For the first time ever, the luhya community finds itself in the political crossroad: either to stick together and support one of their own, who probably stands the best chance to improve on the performance of those before him, like Kijana Wamalwa, Martin Shikuku and even Nixon. Yet, the feeling is that UDF is not entirely Musalia. They see the party’s State House connection and hesitate to move along because they believe that Musalia may be a project of the powerful political elite.

There are those who believe that Musalia should have joined New Ford Kenya, Ford Kenya or at worst start his political outfit that has no connection to any other force. Starting on his own, or joining any of the existing “luhya parties”, would have reinforced Musalia’s “Shienyu ni shienyu” slogan and given him a headstart over ODM or any other force in the region.

Instead, Musalia chose UDF, a party that is affiliated to PNU and President Kibaki. He has planted the seed of doubt among his own people who now don’t trust that his bid for the top seat is for the good of the country and not a ploy to safeguard the interests of reactionary forces. Mudavadi’s political rebirth, though venerated elsewhere, seems to be riding its luck in the four counties that are inhabited by his own community.

A vast majority of the region’s MPs, most of them in ODM, have refused to move arguing that the luhya’s best chances to the top are best served with an alliance with the neighbours, the Luo. With that single act, Musalia wadded into the Luo-kikuyu myth that has over time defined the political development of the modern Kenyan state.

It would appear Musalia has rejected the Luo and endorsed the Kikuyu as a trusted people worth doing business with it. His acrimonious exit from ODM has fortified the myth that the Luo are unreliable people and cannot lead. This is exemplified with his call on Raila Odinga to quit politics and retire honourably. It is further noted that Musalia’s harshest words of his political career have been directed towards Raila, and there have been debates since Sunday on whether he could extend similar language to President Kibaki, Uhuru Kenyatta or even Martha Karua.

In this crusade, Musalia has employed the services of Ikolomani MP Bonny Khalwale and Housing Minister Soita Shitanda as the Trojan horses of what is clearly unfolding as an anti-Raila, anti-Luo scheme. The New Ford Kenya duo are the face of this rejection and can be relied upon to ruthlessly execute the war without as much as a second thought as witnessed during the recent burial of Nairobi city mayor’s dad in Vihiga.

Khalwale’s anti-Raila, and to an extent, anti-Luo, sentiments during the burial were not an accident. They characterise the brand of politics he has espoused ever since he joined Parliament as a Narc legislator in 2003. In leaving ODM, Musalia did not just opt to go to bed with some of his harshest critics in the region, but chose to use the two MPs probably because they symbolise the anti-Luo feeling within the Luyia community.

Khalwale, the louder of the two, hails from Idakho sub-tribe, while Soita is from the Kabras, who alongside the Isukha of Shinyalu, have always held prejudice against the Luo based on primordial cultural practises, like circumcision, and football. Within these communities, circumcision is a tool of valour and subjugation, where youth are socialised to believe that they are superior to the Luo just because they have “faced the knife”.

This thinking is predominant within the communities around Kakamega and could as well account for Khalwale’s political behaviour since 2003. The indication of this behaviour was first exposed by Khalwale in 2003 during the burial of former vice president Kijana Wamalwa in Kitale. Raila had arrived in the town in style to pay his last respect to the fallen VP in a typical Luo tradition. With a lorry load of bulls as his gift to the family, Raila descended into the town clad in Luo traditional regalia and went on to conduct a mock tero buru ceremony at the Kitale showground.

However, this gesture didn’t amuse the ultra-conservative luhyas like Khalwale. They hastily organised a counter ceremony in the name of cleansing the venue on the grounds that Raila’s had desecrated the venue because he was not circumcised. This is the ideology that has characterised Khalwale’s stint in Parliament and which has made him “tough and merciless” when tackling Raila and ODM ministers and completely mellow and fearful when dealing with PNU-allied ministers.

It is precisely because of this that Khalwale would go ballistic against Anyang Nyong’o over NHIF, using demeaning terms to describe him but go completely mute on Amos Kimunya’s skewed appointment of KPA board and pretend that the Triton scam was a scandal that never was. Shitanda has been the leader of New Ford Kenya since 2006. He founded the party by stabbing Musikari Kombo, then Ford Kenya leader, at the back.

Yet, throughout this period, he has never shown any interest to lead. He has never declared his interest in the presidency, even though he has never wasted any opportunity to attack Musalia for not seeking the presidency. Kombo has since joined the anti-Raila brigade. Even though he is the PM’s agemate, and both were in the struggle for the so-called second liberation, Kombo has found it easy to be Uhuru Kenyatta, William Ruto and Eugene Wamalwa’s cheerleader.

In fact, Kombo has since joined New Ford Kenya and discarded Ford Kenya, not just the party he led and brought down, but the one that espouses the ideas of Masinde Muliro, the preeminent. Other luhya communities like Abanyole of Emuhaya, the Kisa of Khwisero, Marama of Butere and Wanga of Mumias have refused to move with Musalia, at least if the position of their MPs is any guide.

Most of these communities in Kakamega and Busia have no fundamental problem with the Luo, probably because they share a lot in terms of culture and economy. It is not that the two sides have been marginalised by successive regimes, but there are cases where some Luhya sub-tribes and the Luo of Siaya share some common cultural practices. The two sides have coexisted for many years without any major hitch. But there have never been hitches among them. Around Maseno area, the two sides where there has been a dispute over the natives of the area.

Yet, this hitches have not been as significant as to cause violence or tension between them as witnessed other areas. The argument is that the DPM has not given sufficient reasons of his exit from ODM that would warrant them to move with him and because they essentially have no fundamental problem with the luo. The same would appear to Abanyala of Budalang’i, Samia of Funyula, Marachi of Butula and Abakahayo of Nambale who have refused to be carried by the excitement of one of their own being in power.

The Abatsotso of Lurambi are most likely to throw their lot with the cousins in Kisa and Marama, while political matrix in Lugari could be complicated owing to the area’s cosmopolitan nature. Musalia’s action has literally thrown the Bukusu in a spin. With at least four individuals interested in the big seat, it is likely that the Bukusu will view his entry in the race with less than a passing interest.

That will depend on how Eugene Wamalwa and Moses Wetangula fare and exploit Musalia’s entry in the race. Most of these communities do not consider the Luo as their enemies much as they believe that reasons advanced by Musalia for leaving are insufficient to justify the decision he has taken. In Vihiga George Khaniri’s support for UDF is justifiable because it all but guarantees him the senatorship of the Vihiga county.

Khaniri expects to easily sail through because the Maragoli would easily endorse him for the seat for standing by Musalia during this troubled times of his political career. But this will have its challenges. The Abanyole may spoil the party. Being one of those populous communities, they will definitely veto any action that alienates them from mainstream politics of the county.

I am yet to read something good on Uhuru Kenyatta from his supporters here at KSB. Can a Kikuyu tell readers about an achievement of Uhuru Kenyatta? Please, supporting him means writing his good sides. It would marvel readers to know what he has achieved so far as a politician.

Osewe has all the space for Uhuru’s supporters, yet they have no clue what to parise him for. Leave Osewe alone if you have no facts to fight him back with.

KSB: Thanks for defending me. KSB is open to everybody interested in constructive debate. At a time when Kenya is facing a General election, it is important that all candidates be vetted. We hope that Uhuru’s supporters will heed yr advice and write something about him soon.

Women should never be such cheap in oppening their legs to anybody without using condoms!
Sex should not be the first thing a woman should have with unknown men simply becouse the tummy guy displayed money to confuse a mla-hoi-poloi low-class women who has never be in an-inside of a M-Benz.

There are many suffering women in Kenya and elsewhere who has been infected with Hiv/aids by Rich tycoons with their Ill-Ugly protruding tummies!

KSB: Tracy, be specific about your grumbles and I will engage you in a healthy debate. I am very very specific in what I say, be it the Ksh 7 billion “computer error” corruption scandal or Uhuru’s hate speeches. The big problem with commentators like yourself is that you always waste opportunities of engaging me on what I write because you always come empty handed even after I have filled you up to capacity. Isn’t Uhuru not violating the Constitution by failing to resign from the DPM position? I could quote the Katiba in case you haven’t mastered it yet.