Kenya Elections: The Rumblings of Chagua Chako in Nairobi

March 3, 2013

News & Analysis

Uhuru apparently now believes that milking cows at the family’s Brookside farms is better than the Hague project

Uhuru apparently now believes that milking cows at the family’s Brookside farms is better than the Hague project. Here, he was captured practicing how to milk a fat cow in readiness for any eventuality after March 4th 2013. It has been a difficult campaign but anything is possible without Kibaki and after Ruto has gone back home kuchunga mbuzi.

Shebeesh has just abused University students in a debate and all students who were supporting TNA have vowed to vote for RAO. Sonko and Waititu are at war in Nairobi after Sonko decamped to Waititu’s enemy camp. Uhuru tried to mend the fence through a press conference but it is not working. The problem is that both Sonko and Shebeesh have secretly accused Waititu of carting away Ksh 18 million given to him by Uhuru for campaign.

The three were supposed to share the loot at Ksh 6 million each but instead, Waititu short-changed his colleagues. Both Sonko and Shebeesh have been retiring to the same flat after campaigns and according to Waititu, they deserved Ksh 6 million because they had allegedly become a couple. When Sonko and Shebeesh refused the offer, Waititu is said to have told them to go and serve in hell, not in Nairobi. This is the cash Waititu has been dishing to his friends.

In the meantime, TNA has changed name to Tuonane Netherlands August. Uhuru is disappointed.  The elders in RV are asking who took their sons to The Hague after the Sang revelations. The elders are having a crisis meeting and the only item on the agenda is withdrawing Kalenjin support for Jubilee. This will be good for Cord.

According to some jokes, Uhuru Kenyatta is drafting his “conceding defeat” speech after losing Rift Valley through Joshua Sang. Muhoho has apparently convinced him that Raila is a good guy and that if he talks to him, RAO can help him with his Hague problems so he doesn’t really need to win the Presidency. Uhuru apparently now believes that milking cows at the family’s Brookside farms is better than the Hague project but he will have to talk to RAO for a good deal.

All corrupt elements mentioned in past corruption scandals: anglo-leasing, helicopter scandal; to triton and cemetery have fled the country after rumours went round that they are being sought by police. One of them (a PS) was arrested although he is out on bond.

Forces that used to prevent the police from arresting the corrupt are splitting up after intelligence leakages that RAO is the next president. The current arrests are designed to prepare the way for RAO and, according to a source, enable police chief to tell RAO next week that he started the work as soon as he learnt that RAO is his next boss. Nyachae has apologized to the Kisii for endorsing Uhuru after recalling the endorsement and transferring it to RAO. The Luhyas have agreed that a vote for Mudavadi will be a wasted vote. All the Ingohos and sikuma from Kakamega are sold at Kisumu and a vote for Cord will help in further cording the trade relationship between Nyanza and Western provinces.

In the campaign trail, Ruto stopped wearing Jubilee colours and is now wearing URP colours. Some people who never read the bible want to know what the biblical Joshua did after Sang let the cat out of the bag. Some Evangelists have been asked for direction at the All Saints Cathedral.

Eti Martha Karua eventually found a mate who will work under her, before, during and after elections. The man is said to be energetic. Speaking at a campaign rally in Kario-Bangi, Karua’s mate warned against the bribing of male voters with Viagra as this, he said, would prevent them from rising up on Monday morning to go to the polling stations. “Do not bribe voters with Viagra. We want free and fair erections”, he is reported to have said amid laughter and chants of toboa!.

Truth be told, and prejudice aside, one good thing about Uhuru Kenyatta is that he is just too inspirational. After he escaped with 7 billion Kenyan shillings in computer error, and with his family owning 30.000 acres of land in Taita Taveta alone (4get about the rest of the country), he has strongly inspired millions of Kenyans to vote for Raila Odinga.

Chagua Chako in Nairobi


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14 Comments on “Kenya Elections: The Rumblings of Chagua Chako in Nairobi”

  1. Neebu News Says:

    Look how Kenya has by-passed Thailand in Filthy Prostitution of Sodom and GommorahThen Kenya Pretends as a christian Nation. What you are going to read and see is the fruits of Capitalism whicj Jubilee Under Uhuruto ideology will promote evermore in Kenya>

    Filthy rich men spend up to Sh100,000 a night to romp and relax in some of Nairobi’s most exclusive sex hideouts. The swanky sex dens, unlike the clichéd threadbare settings and barely dressed women in many of Kenya’s brothels, have posh restaurants, swimming pools, saunas and bedrooms straight out of a five-star hotels. In one members-only facility located off Ngecha Road in the upmarket Kitisuru Estate, a 10-minute drive from Westlands, our mole had to accompany a patron to gain temporary membership for the night with strict instructions to switch off his mobile phone and avoid posing awkward questions. And behind the black gate surrounded by trimmed greenery, 14 fuel guzzlers parked in the compound — including Range Rovers, BMWs, Mercedes Benzes – told half the story. The other half was inside th imposing house. – CLICK HERE FOR MORE

  2. Ile Imeiva Says:

    This Country needs a leader not money worshippers.(Uhuruto) This country has gone to the dogs ,Eastern Mafia has invaded Kenya after the fall of Soviet union

    http://standardmedia.co.ke/?articleID=2000078402&story_title=Kenya-Secrets-of-Nairobi’s-exclusive-sex-dens

  3. Uhuru big dictator Says:

    Dictator Uhuru Kenyatta rubbishes Jimna Mbaru’s campaigns.He commanded him to step down so that he can later be offered a Goverment job under Jubilee. He knows stone thrower Waititu is being beaten in the Nairobi Governorship race by CORD’s Kidero. Mbaru has all his democratic rights to contest to the end.

  4. fenaya Says:

    Haa haaa so this is Uhuru’s new job from March 5.

  5. gachuri Says:

    IMPLICATIONS OF A KENYATTA AND RUTO PRESIDENCY
    Saturday, March 2, 2013 – 00:00 — BY YASH GHAI

    This is a shortened version of a report prepared jointly by the Kenyan Section of the International Commission of Jurists, Katiba Institute and The Kenya Human Rights Commission.

    I. Background

    Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto, both of whom face charges of crimes against humanity before the International Criminal Court, have declared that they will seek office as president and deputy president in Kenya’s general election scheduled for March 4, 2013.

    II. Introduction

    As Kenya gears up for elections in 2013, the politicisation of the cases before the ICC threatens the elections and has become a major electoral issue.

    This is because notwithstanding the fact that they face charges before the ICC, two of the accused persons, Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto had each maintained that they would run for president in those elections.

    This report seeks to answer the question as to what would be the implications of a Kenyatta/Ruto presidency in view of the cases against the two before the ICC.

    The report considers that the international implications have been covered well in other literature and while they are also covered in the report, it is the domestic implications that are given the greatest prominence.

    The report assumes that if Kenyatta and Ruto became president while facing charges before the ICC, they would choose to continue their cooperation with the court and so would go to The Hague for their trial.

    Accordingly, the report does not address what would happen if, as is also possible, they chose not to cooperate with the court having assumed Kenya’s ultimate leadership.

    The report endeavour’s to show that, like everybody else that works, the president has a daily job. The report therefore seeks to show the ways in which the president’s daily job would be affected by an ICC trial.

    It needs to be pointed out that under both the Rome statute of the ICC, and Kenyan law, one is presumed innocent until proved guilty. Kenyatta and Ruto must be given the full benefit of this legal position, and this report should not be understood as trying in any way to depart from this legal position.

    However, the effects that a trial before the ICC would have on their presidency is a practical matter and raises questions that must be fully appreciated by the country as it goes to the elections.

    The report is divided into three sections. The first section identifies the president’s daily job, and the attributes that the president is assumed to have under the constitution.

    The second part discusses the effects on domestic affairs, if Kenyatta and Ruto were to be elected as president and the third discusses the international implications. There is a brief conclusion that follows at the end of these discussions.

    POSSIBLE IMPLICATIONS IF UHURU KENYATTA OR WILLIAM RUTO IS

    ELECTED PRESIDENT

    Part 2: The Domestic Level

    1. The Oath of Office

    Article 141 of the constitution provides that the President-elect assumes office by taking and subscribing the oath or affirmation of allegiance, and the oath or affirmation for the execution of the functions of office, as prescribed in the constitution.

    Further, article 74, which deals with ethics and integrity, provides that a state officer, who includes the president and deputy president, before assuming a state office, shall take and subscribe the oath or affirmation of office.

    Kenya’s elections take place on March 4, 2013 and if there is no person qualified to be declared a winner a runoff will be held between the first two candidates. The runoff is currently scheduled to take place on or about April 10, 2012, the same time that trials for

    Kenyatta and Ruto commence in The Hague. If there is no winner in the first round and a runoff is necessary, and if the two or one of them is elected as president or deputy president, during such a runoff, this will lead to difficult choices for the country.

    On the one hand a person cannot assume office as president or deputy president before subscribing to an oath of office and on the other hand they will not be in Kenya at that time to take such an oath. The choices will be:

    a) To absent themselves from trial so as to take an oath of office;

    b) To attend their trial and keep the country waiting for when they will next be available to take their oath of office, and therefore assume office. It follows that the act of setting up a government following the elections will also be delayed as the two cannot legally appoint the government until they are president.

    After a highly difficult set of elections, Kenya may remain leaderless if its president has to abandon the election process midway and go to The Hague for trial.

    Alternatively, the president defying the ICC will remain in the country to take the oath of office. It is unlikely that he will thereafter submit to trial before the International Criminal Court.

    2. On Executive Authority

    The constitution provides that the president and the deputy president constitute the executive authority of the government. In practice the executive authority is exercised through the cabinet which is made of the president, deputy president and cabinet secretaries.

    By tradition the cabinet meets once every week and provides overall leadership to the entire government. If either Kenyatta or Ruto is elected president or deputy president, he will be forced to be permanently absent from meetings of the cabinet while attending trial in The Hague. This is undesirable and would lead to a situation where the heart of the government will operate without leadership and direction.

    3. On the armed forces

    The president is the commander-in-chief of the Armed forces. A commander-in-chief is the person exercising supreme command authority of a nation’s military forces.

    Currently, Kenya’s military is involved in the war against al Shabaab in Somalia. Also, as a result of the vastly deteriorated security situation within Kenya, the military is, for the first time in the history of the country, involved in law enforcement and peacekeeping responsibilities within Kenya.

    As part of this there is an on-going security operation led by the military following the attack in Baragoi, Turkana, which led to the massacre of more than 40 police officers.

    Also, the military is involved in the pacification of Garissa following the influx of al Shabaab elements who have been responsible for the killing of more than four soldiers in isolated terrorist attacks.

    It is fair to say that the situation in relation to the fight against al Shabaab is highly dynamic and although there is increased pacification of lawless Somalia, there is increasing evidence that threats by al Shabaab are increasingly being staged on Kenyan soil, either in Garissa, or within the city of Nairobi.

    Since the prevailing security situation remains fluid, it would be desirable that the commander-in–chief remains personally engaged in the management of what may happen.

    Secondly, it is simply inconceivable and highly offensive to military honour, that the commander-in-chief is a person facing prosecution in a court of law.

    Thirdly, the president is at the heart of the national security architecture. At the lowest level, the security apparatus is the district security committee made of security operatives at that level.

    At the highest level is the cabinet security committee, which is chaired by the vice president and includes the Minister for Internal Security, the Minister for Defence, the Minister for Justice and Constitutional Affairs, the Minister for Finance, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, and the Head of the Public Service.

    The committee directly advises the president on security matters in the country, and takes overall responsibility for the wellbeing of the country.

    As part of this, only the president, with the approval of the National Assembly, can declare a state of emergency. Also, only the president can declare a war.

    The power to declare a state of emergency or war is an extension of the president’s role as the commander in chief. This is why the president is at the centre of the national security information.

    If the president or the deputy president is to go to The Hague for trial, this will have direct and profound effects on the security situation in the country, as both of them have direct roles in this regard.

    4. On Diplomatic Relations

    The president is at the heart of diplomatic relations. According to universal diplomatic practice, ambassadors, high commissioners, and other representatives of foreign governments are not authorised to represent their governments until their credentials have been formally presented in person and have been accepted by the host government’s head of state.

    A diplomat whose credentials are accepted is regarded to have been accredited to the host government and is considered an officer of the host government as well as his own.

    This protocol has been codified in the constitution which provides that the president “receives diplomatic and consular representatives.” In practice, when foreign diplomats arrive in Kenya, they remain inactive and cannot meet with any representatives of the Kenya government, until they have presented their credentials to the president.

    If the president or the deputy president has to be away for trial, there will be profound and direct effects on diplomatic practice as has been practiced until now.

    5. On the president’s role in the legislative process

    The president assents to all bills enacted by Parliament before these become law. In 2011, the president assented to 34 bills which thereby became law.

    In 2012, the president has so far assented to 31 bills. It is expected that as Kenya implements the constitution, Parliament will remain busy in enacting the necessary legislation to give effect to the constitution.

    After the elections in 2013, Parliament will have two chambers, the National Assembly and the Senate, in place of the one chamber that has existed until now.

    Since each of the Houses can originate legislation, the legislative agenda may become even busier. Further, as the passing of legislation will involve two houses, rather than one, as has been the case until now, the legislative processes will become longer and more bureaucratic. Presidential assent to bills must be done within 14 days and these must be published within seven days thereafter.

    The constitution confers on the president a veto power over bills enacted by Parliament. Where the president declines to assent to a bill, he must refer it back to Parliament explaining the reasons that led to the refusal to assent.

    Parliament can override the President’s objections if the Bill, as originally passed, receives the support of 2/3 of the members of the National Assembly, and, in case it has implications on devolution, 2/3 of the members of the Senate.

    The power to veto bills is a check on legislative excesses. During his term in office President Mwai Kibaki has exercised this power thrice: in 2009 he queried aspects of the Fiscal Management Act.

    The bill had been sponsored in Parliament by a private member. As a result of the president’s interventions, the bill was altered, after which he signed it into law.

    In 2012 the president refused to assent to the Finance Bill 2012 in which Members of Parliament had awarded themselves a generous severance pay of Sh.9.3 million each.

    Earlier in 2012 the President refused to assent to the Statute Law (Miscellaneous Amendments) Bill 2012 because the bill proposed to amend the Political Parties Act 2011, to allow for continued party hopping by Members of Parliament.

    The President observed that the matter of the consequences of defecting from political parties or changing allegiance between parties was already the subject of court petitions further noting that matters which are before the court should not be the subject of legislation by the National Assembly.

    It will require an engaged president to support the realisation of the provisions of the constitution as regards the legislative process. This is partly because the timelines for assent and publication of legislation are tight and also because a disengaged president exposes the country to parliamentary tyranny as he cannot exercise the veto power effectively.

    As the country continues to implement the new constitution, heavy reliance will continue to be placed on an efficient legislative process.

    An absentee president will not add to such efficiency. Also, the fact that the country will have a second chamber of the legislature, creating a new experience in the legislative process makes it more compelling for the president to be fully engaged in this process.

    6. On the President’s other relationships with Parliament

    Under the constitution, the president will no longer be a Member of Parliament. However, the president still has other relationships with Parliament outside of the legislative process.

    The president is required to make an address at the opening of every newly elected Parliament, and at least once a year thereafter. This is the constitutional mechanism that will enable the president to communicate to brief parliament as to his policy intentions and overall leadership direction.

    As things stand, there is a danger that if elected as president, Kenyatta or Ruto will not make even the maiden address as he will already be away on trial. Thereafter, the president will remain disconnected with Parliament and there will be a policy and leadership gap resulting from this.

    7. On cabinet meetings

    The president chairs cabinet meetings once every week. This represents an intensive work programme. In addition, cabinet has several sub-committees of itself which are advisory to the entire cabinet and to the president.

    Since the president is at the centre of cabinet affairs, it is unthinkable how cabinet would operate when faced with a long absence of the president from the country.

    8. On the devolved government

    The president is directly involved in the management of the devolved governments. The president may suspend a county government in an emergency arising out of internal conflict or war; or in any other exceptional circumstances.

    A county government can only be suspended if an independent commission of inquiry has investigated allegations against the county government, and the president is satisfied that the allegations are justified and the Senate has authorised the suspension.

    Such suspension lasts for only 90 days, and thereafter, there must be elections to constitute a new county government. The Intergovernmental Relations Act puts the president at the centre of the relations between the national and county governments.

    It establishes the National and County Government Co-ordinating Summit as the apex body for intergovernmental relations. The summit comprises the president, or in the absence of the president, the deputy president, as the chair, and the governors of the forty-seven counties.

    The summit promotes co-operation between the national and county governments and gives policy direction to other coordinating levels such as the Intergovernmental Relations Technical Committee and the sectoral working groups or committees.

    Devolution of power, which has led to the creation of 47 counties and their governments, is by far the most ambitious set of provisions in the new constitution.

    9. On the nomination, appointment and removal of constitution office holders

    Under the former constitution, the appointment of persons to fill most of the important constitution office holders was the sole preserve of the president.

    The constitution of Kenya, 2010, makes the appointment of these constitution office holders a collaborative exercise between the president and other organs of the state, including Parliament and the Judicial Service Commission.

    For example, the president appoints the chief justice and the deputy chief justice, in accordance with the recommendation of the Judicial Service Commission, and subject to the approval of the National Assembly.

    Also the constitution expands the category of offices, the filling of which is the subject of this collaborative approach. For example the appointment of members of all the independent commissions established under the constitution involves this special procedure of appointment.

    Further, the constitution also makes the removal from office of certain persons that have been appointed to these offices the subject of collaboration between the president and other organs.

    For example, the National Assembly may, by resolution, require the president to remove a cabinet secretary from office. The removal process is subject to investigation by, and the recommendation of, a committee of the National Assembly.

    An absentee president will be forced to helplessly follow from outside the country, lengthy removal proceedings as they go on in Kenya.

    The very nature of the appointment and removal process, therefore, requires significant and direct engagement on the part of the president.

    For example, the Independent Office Holders Act, 2010, passed to provide a roadmap for the appointment of the Controller of Budget and the Auditor General, puts the president at the centre of the appointment process by requiring him to commence the appointment process within seven days after the occurrence of a vacancy in these offices.

    The president thereafter nominates a candidate for appointment and the National Assembly may reject such a candidate in which case the president is required to name a fresh candidate from among those that had been interviewed. This is demonstrably a very involved process.

    A long absence from the country for any reason would have an effect on the capacity to collaborate in the filing of these positions. Also, the removal process involves the personal judgment of the president, who must make the decision that a particular removal is called for.

    It would be difficult for a disengaged president to make this decision. Secondly, as vacancies arise all the time, it is not possible to plan around the president’s absence on how these are to be managed.

    10. On the administration of Justice

    The post-election violence gave rise to horrendous crimes, the bulk of which have unfortunately remained unpunished. While the ICC trials are intended to bring justice in relation to persons regarded as bearing the greatest responsibility for crimes committed during the post-election violence, it is to be expected that national processes will seek accountability against other persons alleged to have committed crimes during the violence.

    This is based on the fact that the ICC is a court of last resort and prosecutes only when national processes have failed or are unable to do so.

    The Kenya government is current following several prongs, including a task force appointed by the Director of Public Prosecutions, that suggest a commitment to prosecute these crimes.

    It would be incongruent for Kenya to pursue national prosecutions against crimes of the post-election violence with the president and deputy president also undergoing trial abroad.

    There would be no confidence that the president and deputy president can provide full political support for prosecutions in which they are also part of the accused group.

    Another prong that the country has been following in the search for justice is the Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission whose mandate, deliberately covers the period of the post-election violence.

    After more than three years of work, the Commission is currently writing its report which is expected to be released this year. Persons facing charges for post-election violence crimes would not be ideally placed to offer ultimate leadership on the implementation of the report.

    Part 3: The International Level

    1. International Relations

    Kenya strives to be an upright member of the international community and has joined several multilateral arrangements such as the East African Community, the African Union, and the United Nations.

    If ICC suspects became president, this will exert strains in the existing foreign relations at several levels. It has been suggested that if the two fail to attend their trial, they will be restricted to travelling only within certain countries in Africa and will be unable to travel outside of the continent for fear of arrest.

    This assertion is based on the experiences of Sudanese President, Omar el Bashir, against whom the ICC has issued two arrest warrants and who has had to curtail travel to a few countries for fear of arrest.

    The assertion is only partially correct. It is correct in stating that Kenyatta and Ruto will be unable to travel outside of Africa but incorrect in assuming that they can travel to any African country.

    In July 2012, the AU summit scheduled to be held in Malawi had to be moved to Addis Ababa, Ethiopia after President Joyce Banda made it clear that her country was unable to host President Bashir as to do so would have violated Malawi’s obligation as a member of the ICC, to arrest the President if he should travel to the country.

    Malawi was not the first African country to refuse to host President Bashir for the same reason: South Africa and Botswana have made it clear that should Bashir be found on their soil, he would be arrested and handed over to the ICC.

    Also, Uganda has twice failed to assure Bashir of his safety from arrest leading to a decision by him not to travel to Uganda. The fact that Uganda takes seriously her responsibilities under the Rome statute is potentially problematic for Kenya than any other country.

    First, the two are contiguous and have very strong economic ties. Second, as both belong to the East African Community and IGAD, it would bring unimaginable difficulties in the two organisations if the relationship between Kenya and Uganda was to become dysfunctional as a result of the cases facing its top leaders.

    On its part, the United Nations has a policy not to relate with persons facing charges for international crimes. An opinion issued in 2006 by the UN legal advisor on “Peace and Justice in Post-Conflict Societies—The UN Position” states as follows:

    Contacts between UN representatives and person indicted by international criminal jurisdictions holding positions of authority in their respective countries should be limited to what is strictly required for carrying out UN mandated activities.

    The presence of any UN representatives in any ceremonial or similar occasion with such individuals should be avoided. When contacts are absolutely necessary, an attempt should be made to interact with non-indicted individuals of the same group or party.

    Some western countries have also taken strong individual positions regarding interactions with persons facing charges like those that Kenyatta and Ruto do.

    These positions will affect Kenya’s relationship with those countries if either Kenyatta or Ruto becomes president. For example, on August 4, 2011 US President Barack Obama signed a proclamation giving power to the Secretary of State to prevent the entry into the US of persons who participate in serious human rights and humanitarian law and related violations.

    The proclamation suspends entry into the United States, as immigrants or non-immigrants, of “any alien who planned, ordered, assisted, aided and abetted, committed or otherwise participated in, including through command responsibility, war crimes, crimes against humanity or other serious violations of human rights, or who attempted or conspired to do so”.

    While the US has not actually put measures to implement this proclamation in relation to Kenyatta and Ruto, this will almost certainly happen if the two defy the ICC whether or not any of them is elected president.

    Some European countries have adopted a similar approach which will severely limit the movement of Kenyatta and Ruto if elected president.

    CONCLUSION

    Kenya enacted a new constitution in 2010 which is the sum of the collective experiences of the country. The constitution represents shared aspirations as to peace justice and prosperity, but also represents shared aspiration that violence such as has been experienced in Kenya’s politics in the recent past, will be a thing of the past.

    The forthcoming elections provide a good opportunity to consolidate the aspirations that made the country vote so overwhelmingly for the new constitution, and also the chance to demonstrate that the country has learnt something from the recent violence.

    As demonstrated in the report, the next president of Kenya will have a more demanding role in running the country’s affairs and offering leadership.

    After the elections Kenya will re-align its governance structure with the constitution and the newly elected leaders in the categories of county representatives, women representative, senate representative, members of parliament, deputy president and president.

    This is a significant shift on governance for the country and therefore equally demanding for the leadership of the country to ensure that the new sructures are implemented effectively as anticipated by the constitution.

    It follows that a fully dedicated leadership cannot be overlooked. Also, it is to be hoped that the report of the Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission will be released soon after the next elections and that the report will set an agenda for justice for victims of the post-election violence, including the provision of reparations.

    In such a case, the president and deputy president would be expected to lead the implementation of the agenda. However, it would be practically difficult for them to do so effectively while facing a trial.

    Further, victims may not have confidence in the leadership that they will provide. As indicated above national trials for post-election crimes are expected to occur after the next elections.

    A president and deputy president facing charges before the ICC would be in a position of conflict if heading a government that is also prosecuting crimes of a kind that the president and deputy president face.

    This report affirms the innocence of Kenyatta and Ruto until they are proved guilty upon trial, the fact of being accused persons places practical limitations on their lives which in turn make it impractical that they can run a country.

    Also, their status as accused persons places them in positions of conflict with victims of crimes who expect justice, and also with other government functionaries who are required to cooperate in their prosecution and at the same time pay them allegiance as the top leaders of Kenya.

    For the reasons canvassed in this report, presidency by persons facing prosecution before the ICC would be inherently problematic. A presidency by Kenyatta is likely to hobble Kenya as it would be impossible to conduct national affairs while the president is away on trial.

    In the event of non-cooperation in the trial another chapter of difficulties will be opened for the country. While Kenyans have the right to elect whoever they want, and while it would be necessary to respect democratic choices, this will not take away these well-founded concerns.

    http://www.the-star.co.ke/news/article-110113/implications-kenyatta-and-ruto-presidency#

  6. trudie Says:

    Jubilee’s Final Uhuru Park Rally Dampens Mood In Rift Valley

    March 2, 2013

    Moses Kandie

    It is no longer a secret that William Ruto’s URP is merely escorting Uhuru Kenyatta’s TNA into power. Jubilee’s final rally at Uhuru Park was a testimony that the William Ruto led Party was just a special purpose vehicle meant to mobilize and turning a community to a voting machine. It was not lost to those who followed on live television that the rally was more of a TNA event than a Jubilee final submission to Kenyans, putting to doubt the 50:50 power sharing agreement.

    “The Jubilee branding team is done from a centralized pool, it is actually single sourced and we all know where the money comes from, they can easily release equal number of branding materials of both URP and TNA” John Kipkurui, a Nairobi based political pundit noted.

    “This is a deliberate attempt to depict URP as a junior partner, otherwise why was it possible to have balanced branding in Kapkatet, and not in Nairobi?” Kipkurui added.

    A leading Nairobi based political analyst joked, “Ruto’s shirt is usually the only yellow attire at Jubilee rallies. I’ve never seen a man who enjoys slavery like that!” With only one day to the general election, URP supporters are disappointed that their party is being treated like a junior partner in the Jubilee yet they are supposed to be equal partners in every sense.

    Recently, grassroots leaders in Rift Valley complained that Jubilee branding strategy was care-fully crafted to give TNA the upper hand in the power games playing out before the eyes of the public. The leaders complained of the arrogance with which TNA crowds clad in the predominantly red colours were transported into URP strongholds.

    This is despite the pre-election agreement that brought Jubilee into existence, which is said to provide for a 50-50 power sharing between URP and TNA. This agreement has never been brought to the public domain strengthening the fear by URP supporters that Uhuru Kenyatta might not honour the agreement were he to become president.

    “All this started in Nakuru, we raised it with the secretariat but we were dismissed. It extended to Eldoret, Kapkatet and now Uhuru Park, I now understand why many of our people are even demanding that the agreement between TNA/URP be made public before voting day. Otherwise, chini ni URP, juu ni Raila.” Peter Lagat a URP stalwart from Kericho noted.

    I drove all the way from Kericho to attend a Jubilee rally only to find it was a TNA rally, Lagat added.

    Many have dismissed the coalition as a paper agreement between two people and this is what Joshua Sang confirmed publicly. During party nominations, those who lost in ODM and were unhappy opted to vie in Wiper. It was the same for those in other parties within CORD. It is worth noting that no politician in URP zone opted for TNA, just like it is in TNA areas where no politician opted for URP when nominations took place.

    It is clear that the rather cosmetic arrangement in the name of Jubilee will not work as URP supports declare, ‘Show us the full coalition agreement and we show you the vote.”

    It is not too late for Jubilee to remedy the situation, through a paid up advert on the weekend newspapers spelling out the details of the agreement, to reassure the jittery URP base.

  7. Kimberly Wellington . Says:

    Ruto Must have impregnated Uhuru Politically during their Honeymoon together>I bet that Ruto has nothing to lose in the whole scenerio because;
    He is the one who dispatched Sang to endorse Raila. Notice he is not bothered to reply as he is sure that is what his people want.
    2 Sang’s endorsement is a collective decision of Ruto and his handlers since the have had it very difficult to access the campaign funds they were promised. They thought this is the Uhuru of 2002, an open blank cheque, but they have met a more sophisticated and savvy Uhuru. As a way to teach him a lesson they first agreed to a go slow campaign for Uhuru as president as a means to have him cave but that was not forthcoming either. Now the have gone completely mute advising the Kalenjin masses “hapa katikati patia URP, uko juu tumia akili” tactically telling the to vote CORD for presidency without necessarily antagonising Uhuru. They aslo decided that Ruto should be seen to campaign hard with Uhuru but in effect the foot soldies are elsewhere. Read the body language of Keter, Issaac Ruto, and others.
    Ruto will have a sizable number of searts both in the house and senate (7 senators and 40 Mps) a significant enough to do political negotiations with.
    Ruto’s believes are mainly are similar to those of Raila except the two have different approaches so most likely they may be achieved else where and not through uhuru.

    Now the greatest loser in all this is Uhuru because;.
    losing this election is now eminent since the theory of tyranny of numbers has virtually collapsed.
    very unlikely that uhuru will mount
    That is why Kikuyu King is pracrising milking Stolen Cows.

  8. Kimberly Wellington . Says:

    The British ambassador to Kenya is busy warning of consequences if Kenyans elect some people, while his paymaster, finance minister Osborne, and his land’s bosses, the PM and DPM, are supping soup with a nephew of UK named Jomo after his dad, extolling the virtues of British public relations firms. –Lobbying for British commercial interests in effect! Darn!

    Do you see why Kibaki would not even bother to take a call from the British PM? The guy would likely be lobbying for a contract already gone to the Chinese! Fishing after the net we say in Kavirondo.

    But, O fellow bloggers, Think of the brutal cynicism within the management of this PR firm. At one desk her personnel are advising the British government on how to cope with the accusation that the ICC is a colonial court, which is an increasing perception in Afrika, and on the other desk across the aisle, another group is advising African politicians on how to portray the ICC as a colonial kangaroo court expedition!

    An win-win situation for the PR firm! a goose laying golden eggs per minute for the share-holders! [adverts on TV are charged per second –FYI}!
    This is one-two between politics and commerce in the UK. That is football lingo for passing the ball around to circulate within the team, reducing the opponents to zombies.
    NB: [In the USA imagery was a famous case of a worker after an industrial accident suing the concern/employer who wouldn’t accept responsibility. But the lawyer he went to, was actually in the secret employ of the concern. They run rings around him for years in court until some other lawyer took academic interest in the case and busted it. –i think the busting lawyer was called John Edwards, hero of labour and later DP presidential candidate]

    Well, I have heard of a PR firm in NY city, working for both a republican and democratic candidate in the same election, running for the same seat . Reason? they were the best and both sides insisted on the best! And the best said sure, you pay you get.

    BELL POTTINGER.

    This buro is the current champion in the thumbing of numbers, and the king of a branch of mathematics which Kenyans have failed to master. [% swings in eg Kalenjin vote, between Jubilee and CORD, given Ruto’s departure to TNA].

    Our local math departments are content to go en-block with Ngunyi’s tyranny of numbers, the microcosmic details being too much of a rocket science for them. But Bell Pottinger goes to work as if they are Isaac Newton, and the work is the gravity of planetary laws of motion. And that is the level of seriousness Raila needed this election for the numbers work!

    NB: An anecdote is told when Margaret Thatcher [running against Ted Heath] went to their head office for a look-over. ‘I am looking for the best. Arguably the best wont be good enough. What are you?’ Maggie glared at the director with the quintessential scorn of a zealot?
    ‘The makers and breakers of Prime Ministers of Britain.’ The director replied. Shark-gaze cold.

    ‘Get to work then, the next Prime Minister is off to work now. Thatcher is the name! Maggie, you will call me!’ And she slammed the door, running off to her next appointment.

    It must feel cold in Nairobi. All these local political consultants knowing the candidates think they are not worth a pay-grade when it counts.

    Why would UK and Raila and MDVD all run to foreign boys if they thought the local guys are worth a listen? Like in medical issues, abroad is where the optimum service resides! Local is inferior, and last resort. Poor you!

    And so when it comes to the economic policy of the incoming regime, I wont be bothering with CBK and MoF. I will get the policies direct from the IMF, WB and the EU relevant department. The rest will be from Beijin.

    Toyboy Odinga or Toyboy Uhuru, puppets on a chain. Nyaparas on the local farm. Be sure to watch the puppet-masters, get to understand the game. But Watch the puppets, for entertainment.

    The decisions they carry out will be made elsewhere, far from Afrika. There is an old saying from the colonial days, the author escapes me. But it went: the future of Afrika is too important to be decided by the natives. God forbade it!

    It is a recipe for struggle. And thus: ALUTA CONTINUA AFIRQUE, whoever wins tomorrow.

  9. Wangu Says:

    Zimbabwe’s Mugabe holds lavish 89th birthday party

    Thousands of people have attended a lavish party to celebrate Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe’s 89th birthday in the mining town of Bindura.

    Mr Mugabe was presented with a cake said to weigh 89kg (196lb), and gold coins were minted to mark the occasion.

    The celebrations cost about $600,000 (£400,000), reports say.

    In his speech, Mr Mugabe – who has ruled since 1980 – denied claims that he was trying to intimidate political rivals ahead of a new election.

    Mr Mugabe will be contesting the election later this year, hoping to secure another five-year term in office.

    ‘Down with imperialism’

    The day before the celebrations in Bindura, residents were given an hour off work to clean the town’s streets.

    Wearing an elegant suit and a red cap with his year of birth, Mr Mugabe waved to the crowds, flanked by his wife and two children.

    He later cut the birthday cake and released 89 balloons into the sky.

    In his speech, Mr Mugabe urged his supporters to go “forward with winning elections, down with imperialism”.

    Mr Mugabe’s actual birthday was nine days ago, but this weekend was the chance for his supporters to celebrate.

    Zimbabwe is now moving towards a crucial period of political transition, the BBC’s Peter Biles in Johannesburg reports.

    He adds that a referendum on a new constitution will precede the presidential elections.

    The polls would herald the end of a shaky government coalition between Mr Mugabe and his rival Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai.

    The coalition between Mr Mugabe’s Zanu-PF party and Mr Tsvangirai’s MDC party was formed under pressure from regional leaders after the disputed 2008 election.

  10. Keith Sirimoe Says:

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    Mr. Francis Kimemia, CBS
    Permanent Secretary,
    Secretary to the Cabinet and Head of Public Service
    Office of the President, Harambee House
    P.o box 62345-00200
    Nairobi.

    Mr. Itea Aringo, CBS
    Permanent Secretary
    Provincial, Administration and internal Security
    Office of the President, Harambee House
    P.o box 62345-00200
    Nairobi.

    Mr. Kennedy Kihara, EBS
    Secretary
    Liaison, Parliament and Commissions
    Office of the President, Harambee House
    P.o box 62345-00200
    Nairobi.

    Mr. Joseph K. Kinyua, CBS
    Permanent Secretary
    Office of Deputy Prime Minister &Ministry of Finance
    Nairobi

    Dear Kimemia,

    RE: PARTISAN CONDUCT OF TOP PUBLIC SERVANTS

    The above subject matter refers.

    Please be advised that the Commission is in receipt of formal complaints from the Coalition for Reforms and Democracy (CORD) alliance of your being partisan in execution of your duties. You have been accused jointly and severally that you have violated the election laws by engaging in electoral activities against provisions of section 43(1) of the Elections Act which states as follows:

    43. “(1) A public officer shall not—
    (a) engage in the activities of any political party or candidate or act as an agent of a political party or a candidate in an election;
    (b) publicly indicate support for or opposition against any party, side or candidate participating in an election;
    (c) engage in political campaigns or other political activity; or
    (d) use public resources to initiate new development projects in any constituency or county for purposes of supporting a candidate or political party in that constituency or county.”

    You have been accused that:

    i. On the January 27th, 2013 at Lake Elementaita Jacaranda Hotel, Mr. Kimemia met the Jubilee Alliance/The National Alliance Presidential Candidate Uhuru Kenyatta and his running mate William ruto from 22.20hrs to 23.15hrs behind closed doors.

    ii. On January 29, 2013 at the Bomas of Kenya, Mr. Kimemia held a meeting with District Commissioners (DCs), County Commissioners (CCs) and provincial Commissioners (PCs). In small meetings within a bigger one and that Mr. Kimemia did appeal to the administrators to assist presidential campaigns of Mr. Kenyatta as they would be sacked if Rt. Hon Raila Odinga were to be elected president.

    iii. As facilitation the administrators were promised sums of between ksh 5,000,000 and ksh 15,000,000 each. This meeting was attended by Mr. Itea Iringo and Kennedy Kihara among other senior officials from the office of the President.

    iv. On February 9, 2013 in the company of Iringo and Kinyua, Mr. Kimemia met about 68 elders from Muranga, Kiambu, Nakuru, Kericho and Molo at Jacaranda Hotel, Elementaita where support for Mr Kenyatta was reportedly discussed.

    v. On February 10, 2013 at the same Jacaranda Hotel, Mr Kimemia met eight PCs and about 20DCs and CCs. The administrators were transported in two hired buses. There were asked to initiate door to door campaign for Mr. Kenyatta and reminded them that they would be jobless if Hon. Odinga were to win Presidential Elections.

    vi. There has been partisan activities by DCs, Dos, Chiefs and their assistants and village heads in Kitui, Siaya, Vihiga, Kakamega, Uasin Gishu and Kajiado counties among others.

    In respect therefor of the above very serious allegations, the Commission demands that you give us a response within 48 hours. For avoidance of doubt a copy of the complaint is hereby attached.

    Yours

    AHMED ISSACK HASSAN, EBS
    CHAIRPERSON IEBC

    Copy to:
    Hon. Mutula Kilonzo, EGH
    Secretary General
    Wiper Democratic Movement Kenya

    Hon. (Prof) P.A Nyongo, EGH
    Secretary-General,
    Orange Democratic Movement

    HON. Dr. Esseli Simiyu
    Secretary General,
    Forum for the Restoration of Democracy in Kenya

  11. ntemi Says:

    Is MIKE SONKO dating RACHAEL SHEBESH??…..LOOK at this SHOCKING development
    Romour has it that former MPs Mike Mbuvi and Rachael Shebesh, who are members of The National Alliance (TNA) party, are more than political allies.

    Credible sources said Sonko and Shebesh, who have been campaigning as a package in the Nairobi County, retire to the same house and even share rooms whenever they are in far flung areas.

    Their supporters say the two, both married, are almost coming to declare that they are not just political allies but an item going by their behavior in recent times.

    Also, a source from Nakuru said that there is a time when Sonko and Shebesh booked the same room at wee hours of the night at a popular Nakuru resort.

    “They looked tipsy and were in each other arms, they requested the hotel security to guard them until they check out the next morning,” said the source.

    The guards hoping to get kitu kidogo the next morning did not leave until midday only for the ‘two lovers” to drive off in tinted cars.

    Sonko is eyeing the Nairobi Senate Seat while Shebesh is vying for the Nairobi women representative seat on a TNA ticket.

  12. Keith Sirimoe Says:

    The sabotage is focused on the battle for hearts and minds, whereby the saboteur wants to make the gullible society to identify actively with the saboteur political policy.

    The specific value of committing simple sabotage against the perceived political enemy is the onset of executive discord as observed between the leaders of the key arms of the government such as the judiciary, the presidency, civil service, and the police system.

    The strategy used involved starting these executive arguments and the civil service acting stupidly to create a media saga and . The use of simple sabotage on a widespread scale has procured the complete harassment and demoralization of Kenyan government administrators and security system as a whole.

    This is observed by the drawing into the fray the head of civil service Francis Kimemia, Director General of National Intelligence Service Michael Gichangi, the police chief David Kimaiyo, and the mentioning of the top army general Julius Karangi.

    The President of Kenya has been also drawn into the scene, with the land commission appointments as the main weapon. The president has since then waded through. The controversial land issue that has so far been banned as a topic for campaigns was the onset of the attack on the presidency.

    Counter Intelligence is required to stymie the attack

  13. Sonko documentary Says:

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