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funkee on Decoding The National Alliance… Charles Andrianasoav… on Decoding The National Alliance… Rita marley on Decoding The National Alliance… gwande on Raila Odinga Communicating Wit… omwami on Mudavadi is Not the Saint He P… NEW: COUNTRY STATS
just sow on the news daily nation that Baraza has bin saspended by kibaki, bat not uhuru or muthaura o even him self resigning the office for bin part of ameting that was held in state house that cause the mayhem and kealingg spree. dack day for bin akenyan. We are offering a woman, dont mistake me she did a mistake but Baraza sims to be so important than Ocampos charges….jeeeeeeesus. How did we gate here kenyans.
Imwa(Mwai) Kibaki(Emilio) Is fighting a loosing war.This time he is cought pants down.The ICC Judge chambers has a tight evidence that Kibaki/Uhuru axis of evil met with Mungiki terrorists at State-House Nairobi where Mass- Murders /rapings/evictions were planned >http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ppQw4N966oA&feature=player_embedded#!
What do Kibaki men know or what are they planning?
26/11/2011
By Hassan Omar Hassan
It is highly unlikely that Kenya’s next president would be a Kikuyu. President Kibaki is not the iconic Nelson Mandela. It did not matter at the point of Mandela’s exit as president of South Africa that a fellow Xhosa would succeed him.
Yet Kibaki had an unparalleled opportunity to position himself as an iconic statesman, Africa’s reference point. We were at ‘Tahrir’ well before the Tunisians or Egyptians got there. Many then thought our democratic revolution of 2002 that ‘overthrew’ Moi and Kanu would give rise to the ‘African spring’.
Apart from some expanded roads with flyovers and an economic growth index, Kibaki’s legacy reflects an unacceptable institutionalisation of ethnicity. The imbalances in the recruitments in Public Service as supported by the report by the National Cohesion and Integration Commission to shameless dominance of all key sectors of Government. In 2002, it did not matter whether Kibaki or Uhuru Kenyatta became president.
From the unfortunate look of things, ethnicity will impact on the choice of president in the 2012 General Election. The 2007 presidential election were too ethnically charged. The Waki and the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights reports on the 2007 post-election violence provided a clear background as to some of the circumstances leading to the violence. Ethnic exclusion and imbalances, perceived victimisation particularly of Moi’s Rift Valley communities among a host of inequities and injustices.
You scar and bleed a nation when you willfully negate its sensitivities. To pass the microphone from one Njoroge to another, then to Nyoike and Murungi while addressing the soaring costs of energy. Or when Ndung’u passes the microphone to Kinyua then to Kenyatta to tell us why the shilling is losing ground. Or when the leadership of the country’s security apparatus is almost exclusively from Kibaki’s ethnic Kikuyu. You then wonder why there’s ethnicity in Kenya when the Government is working ‘tirelessly’ to patch your roads and build you new ones with flyovers. Kenyans are not idiots. We are a people endowed with sufficient talent, intellect and reason, alhamdulillah (Thank God)!
A possible Uhuru victory is premised on the G7 Alliance holding together. It cultivates on the common belief that Prime Minister Raila Odinga is behind their Hague predicament and consolidates itself on account of demonising Raila. If the cases proceed to full trial upon confirmation the unifying factor around the ‘Raila theory’ will puncture.
Many of the testimonies to the Waki Commission, the KNCHR and the Human Rights Watch on the violence in Rift Valley were from PNU co-ordinators and activists. I trust that a number of the Moreno-Ocampo witnesses in the Ruto case are too from this political divide. When the politics of the violence plays out at The Hague, many of the theories and conceptions would be demolished. The G7 Alliance, which provides a realistic formula for an Uhuru triumph might be unable to hold on account of these revelations.
The chances of ‘Kibaki’s men’ succeeding Kibaki rest on high improbabilities. It is therefore puzzling to read reports of how some of these operatives are attempting to centralise power through the devolution bills or such nonsense as locking out popularly elected governors from County security committees. Wisdom would dictate that there is more reassurance and ‘protection’ in decentralising power and ‘weakening’ the influence of the centre. In trying to decimate the motivation, one wonders what the Kibaki men know or are planning. Can they imagine a successor dictator president from outside their axis with an overloaded centre who proclaims to follow in these footstep and kufuata nyayo!
The writer is a commissioner with the KNCHR
Hear what a Jezebel the Butcher of Nyeri has to sacrifice her ASS for Uhuru >
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When Uhuru Kenyatta was mentioned as suspect at the ICC,Cabinet Minister Esther Murugi vowed to strip naked if the cases were confirmed.The ICC has done its part and now Kenyans are waiting with anticipation for Murugi to do her part.You are one of the allies of the leader of a party whose slogan is kusema na kutenda.So do your part
Judge Trendafilova of ICC has done a job which would have taken 100 years to complete in Kenya. All the PEV suspects would have walked scot-free with the full backing of Kibaki and his GEMA thugs. Now we know that The Hague is not Vague and not for Uhuru Kenyatta’s mother.
With its vigorous civil society, vocal media, independent Judiciary and outspoken urban population, Kenya is different from other countries where individuals with political ambitions have been indicted such as Omar al-Bashir’s Sudan or the Democratic Republic of Congo where Jean Pierre Bemba vied for the presidency in 2006.
The post-pretrial hearings calendar in The Hague is long and drawn out. First, the suspects will have to spend about two or three months persuading the three-judge bench that heard their case that they have good grounds on which to appeal.
The matter will then be sent to the appeal chamber which will take another several months to reach a decision.
If the appeals are rejected, the process of constituting a trial bench with a different set of judges will begin followed by a trial which could last years.
In effect, Mr Kenyatta and Mr Ruto have no choice but to accept the reality that they have only a very slim chance of being viable presidential candidates in the next General Election.
The fact they may well not be on the ballot paper, though, does not mean that they will not have an influence on the outcome of the elections.
History shows that in the immediate aftermath of an ethnically charged conflict, rival communities often retreat into a defensive shell with many downplaying the scale of the conflict and any role that their leadership may have played in the unrest.
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When Uhuru Kenyatta was mentioned as suspect at the ICC,Cabinet Minister Esther Murugi vowed to strip naked if the cases were confirmed.The ICC has done its part and now Kenyans are waiting with anticipation for Murugi to do her part.You are one of the allies of the leader of a party whose slogan is kusema na kutenda.So do your part
THIS IS A MOU IN STATE -HOUSE BTW KIBAKI/UHURU AND MUNGIKI>SPEECHES WERE WERE TAPED HIDDEN CAMERAS WERE USED PLUS OTHER TECHNICAL GADGETS WERE USED AND THE ICC-COURT HAS EVERYTHING TO PROVE KIBAKI IS LYING >http://www.scribd.com/doc/531730/Kibaki-Mungiki-MoU
Was the Attorney General Githu Muigai bluffing when he announced a list of ten members whom he said would be on the committee to study the ICC decision and advise the government? Our moles tell us that some of the individuals were not aware of the appointment and only got to learn of it from the news media. It seems the State Law office is yet to communicate with the individuals concerned, get them their terms of reference or even give them a briefing on exactly what it is they are supposed to do.
This is what happened >The Two Queens Councils who were appointed by Uhurus Cousin Githu Muigai could not stand (Nigger) Stupidity becouse they respect laws and they are learned elites having worked and served at the ICC in Hague could not play with Silly African(Monkeys) playing with fire .and decided to withdraw from that committee consisting impunity masters and these 2 QCs will not risk their carreers through following kenyas mad-men and women who has no shame of fighting a loosing war with the ICC and the International community .
Remember all world eyes right now are focusing on Kenya and her Primitive behaviours attitude and mentality perpetrated by the Kikuyu ruling class elites.What else could Githu and Kibaki could do apart from relieving Muthamaki (king) and Muthaura from their ill-appointed positions. Kenyan maseses should congratulate the Wisdom and commonsense from White Masters enjoying free perks from third world Starving Kaffirs led by Mwai Kibaki.A very soon Prisoner at the ICC Hague.
THE STORY KENYAN MEDIA REFUSED TO TOUCH!!!
Contents of secret meetings between President Mwai Kibaki and Mungiki leaders leaked from State House say Kibaki promised to hire up to 20,000 Mungiki members in the Kenyan military and police forces, and give Mungiki control of bus terminuses from 2008 if he returns to power in exchange of the sect’s support during this year’s election.
Our sources say Mungiki leaders came with a long list of demands, which included:
• Being recruited in the military and police
• Stopping police crackdown on its members in Central Province
• Getting control of bus and matatu termini
• Given government appointments
• Being allowed to own firearms
• Allowing Mungiki to protect their lands in Rift Valley
Kibaki is said to have agreed to all the demands and promised to act on them if he is re-elected.
The issue of recruiting Mungiki members in the army was first raised by Subukia MP Koigi Wa Wamwere. It’s not clear whether Mungiki want to be a part of the Kenyan military or form an elite separate grouping within the force. During 2002 election campaigns, former president Daniel Arap Moi’s government is said to have given Mungiki members several military vehicles to perform some mysterious functions for KANU.
The management of bus terminuses, according to the agreement, would be under a private company fronted by Mungiki, an anonymous State House source privy to the secret meeting has revealed. Essentially, Mungiki would be allowed to set the prices for buses using the terminuses as it wishes, despite the fact that bus parks and matatu terminus are built from tax payers’ funding. The agreement came after the spate of killings in Central Province including Kibaki’s Othaya backyard. According to our source, the killings were instigated this year to blackmail the president into signing the deal with the violent sect. Or source says Mungiki leaders met with Kibaki at State House Nairobi on several occasions between July and October this year, in secret meetings organized by a prominent politician from Central Province.
Our source, however, declined to name the politician but said the media has mentioned him several times in connection with the sect. Defense Minister Njenga Karume, Internal Security Minister John Michuki and Assistant Minister for information and broadcasting Koigi Wa Wamwere and Uhuru Kenyatta are some of the politicians who have been associated with the sect. In the agreement, Kibaki is said to have promised Mungiki immunity from prosecution for punishing owners who don’t comply with their requirements. Mungiki is known for beheading and mutilating the genitals of people who defy its orders.
Early this year, the sect was blamed in an incident the beheaded and mutilated body of a 2 year old boy was discovered in Nairobi. The brutal killing is believed to have been retaliation to the government’s crackdown among its rank in Nairobi. Kibaki also promised to stop cracking down on Mungiki foot-soldiers racketeering in Nairobi and its environs, essentially putting the sect members above the law. Beside the demand to control bus parks and matatu terminuses, the sect also demanded to be given control of providing vigilante-type security in Nairobi slums like Mathare, Majengo and Korogocho. Our source tells us Kibaki was non-committal to the demand, but he did not dismiss it. But it seems as if the group got what it wanted.
Even after the much-publicized police crackdown on the sect’s activities in Mathare, Mungiki adherents still continue unabated to charge protection fees from poor Mathare residents. Failure to pay the fees could lead to severe beatings and even death. In exchange, the group promised not to interfere with Kibaki’s campaigns and instigate violence in opposition controlled zones such as Langata’s, Kibera, whose former area MP is ODM’s presidential candidate Raila Odinga.
http://www.scribd.com/doc/531730/Kibaki-Mungiki-MoU
‘We, the uhuru generation’: Mungiki and the Uhuru project
Mungiki’s leaders claimed that their endorsement of Uhuru’s presidential bid was based on generational interests rather than ethnic affiliations. ‘Mungiki’s political agenda’, said the movement’s chairman and spiritual leader, John Njenga Maina, ‘is to campaign for youthful leaders and phase out the older generation. That is why we are supporting Uhuru since he is young’. On nomination day, writes one commentator, hundreds of thousands of Mungiki youths ‘came in buses and mini-buses, donkey-carts and on foot, descending on Nairobi streets from all directions’ in a procession that caught many Nairobi residents by surprise. Imagining themselves as the iregi revolutionaries of Kikuyu mythology, these Mungiki youths wielded machetes, clubs or sticks, in a dramatic parade that resembled the interahamwe in the 1994 Rwanda genocide.
The Kenyan press accused the law enforcement agencies of duplicity for tolerating what it had called ‘anarchic’ youths. ‘The police’, it was said, ‘looked like they were actually guiding demonstrators carrying placards and snuff boxes to the venue, where speeches denouncing the Local Government minister’s [Uhuru Kenyatta’s] political enemies were made’. The attorney general, Amos Wako, also censured police behaviour as a ‘serious dereliction of duty’. A few days later, supporters of NARC were violently dispersed from Uhuru Park by riot police. Opposition leaders accused the government of double standards in dealing with all parties to the elections.
Uhuru Kenyatta himself swung between publicly distancing his campaign from Mungiki’s acts of terror and covertly soliciting Mungiki’s support, arguing that ‘anybody had the freedom to support whoever he wanted’. He represented Mungiki youth as victims of Kenya’s economic meltdown, arguing that ‘Majority joined the sect because they were idle but they are still our brothers and sisters who should not be hated or secluded from the society but encouraged to reform’. However, Uhuru’s staunch Kikuyu supporters like the Nairobi mayor, Dick Waweru, and Juja MP, Stephen Ndicho, had no qualms about openly supporting the sect on the grounds that ‘despite their militancy on some contentious issues, Mungiki followers were Kenyans and should be accommodated as they also had a role to play in nation-building’.
But perhaps Mungiki’s spokesman, Ndura Waruinge, may have gone too far when he told the BBC’s Focus on Africa programme in August 2002 that Uhuru Kenyatta was actually a member of Mungiki. This opened a barrage of public criticism, with some challenging Uhuru to go public about any links with Mungiki ‘because we are being told he is a member’ and others censoring the government for giving protection to the movement despite its unlawful activities. In November 2002, Uhuru denied that he was a member of Mungiki, declaring that ‘I am a Catholic and so is my whole family’. He emphasized his distance from Mungiki by recalling an occasion in August 2000 when the sect’s members had accused him of being used by the government to harass them, burning his effigy outside his father’s mausoleum in Nairobi.
Uhuru’s denial was followed by highly publicized police swoops against Mungiki followers in Nairobi and Central Province and the invalidation by the party headquarters of the nomination of Mungiki chairman John Maina Njenga to vie for a parliamentary seat in his Nyahururu home on a KANU ticket.69 The nullification of Njenga’s nomination sparked protest from Mungiki followers who escorted Njenga in a fleet of 50 vehicles to the Electoral Commission offices in Nairobi.
Nevertheless, Mungiki continued to support Project Uhuru. Whatever damage these measures may have done to individual Mungiki leaders, it was clear that the core of patron–client relations between KANU stalwarts and the movement was not touched. The KANU elite moved quickly to covertly reassure Mungiki and to deepen its relations with the sect’s leadership at this hour of need and to encourage it to take a more active role in mobilizing Mungiki members in support of Project Uhuru. As part of its deal, the government aided Mungiki’s controversial takeover of the most profitable matatu (public taxi) routes to Nairobi’s Kayole, Dandora, Huruma and Kariobangi estates, whereby it extorted daily levies from drivers, touts and taxis. In addition to the breakdown of public order that David Anderson has lucidly analyzed, the government closed its eyes as criminal elements within the Mungiki movement stepped up collection of protection money from households in insecure estates and indulged in carjacking, armed robbery and, to a lesser extent, gun-running activities.
Although Mungiki’s entry into the urban milieu from its pristine origins in rural Kenya ensured that it absorbed many criminal elements within its membership, it was at the peak of the battle for the presidency between July and December 2002 that its criminal element eclipsed its origins as a social movement. Not surprisingly, Uhuru’s defeat in the December 2002 elections was perceived as a major threat to the power and prestige of the
Mungiki leadership and to the livelihood of some of its urban membership, which thrived on KANU’s patronage and on the political economy of public disorder that pervades Kenya’s criminal underground.
For Mungiki followers, who still truly believed that Project Uhuru offered a chance for the consummation of the ituaka through a generational change of guard, the triumph of Kibaki and the NARC came as a betrayal of the youth and the ‘iregi revolution’ by their Kikuyu kith and kin. Their frustration found echoes in Mugo-wa-Kibiru’s own disillusionment with his contemporaries:
The seer was rejected by the people of the ridges. They gave him no clothes and no food . . .
Mungiki had already outstripped other groups in acts of violence. Now, as Kenya crossed to the post-Moi era, it entered a new phase in its metamorphosis, becoming a full-fledged criminal group.
‘POWER TO UHURU’: YOUTH IDENTITY AND GENERATIONAL POLITICS IN KENYA’S 2002 ELECTIONS. By PETER MWANGI KAGWANJA (2005)
How comes the NSIS -Gema organization elites secured Immunity to Law?
We should never forget that one of the thinsg the State House Mungiki meeting has done is to change the false narrative that kina Uhuru and their lackeys everywhere have been feeding people. Their argument all along was that Uhuru was the saviour. That the Mungiki mob was only activated as a response to attacks against the GEMA folks. That this was an act of self defense and revenge from a people under seige. That is what Uhuru and his friends have sold to folks in Central Province and it has been his line of defense. Many times Uhuru has said he woudl do the same thing again.
With the evidence emerging, now already endorsed by the judges, what we hear is that the ethnic attacks by the Mungiki mob organised under the leadership of Uhuru, Muthaura and even Kibaki was well premeditated. This was planned way before the elections. These were not acts of self defense and/or revenge as we have been told. These things were planned in advance and arrangements made to ensure proper execution of the same.
Of course the operations went with the flow but the one excuse Uhuru can’t use any more is the lie that all they did was to organise self defense, not that burning children in their homes can ever be any form of slef defense.
Uhuru Kenyatta and William Ruto Declaring War in the Heart of GEMA COMMUNITY>Impunity at the highest stage watch>http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LSZuy9ckaC4&feature=player_embedded